
In the wake of Israeli Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu’s threats to “crush Hezbollah” and expand his military operation into Lebanon, the country has been swept into a fresh spiral of violence that reignited fears of a return to open confrontation. Those fears are all the more well-founded given that the Israeli army has begun extending the so-called security zone it controls in southern Lebanon. Meanwhile, the Israeli leader – who has secured American approval for a large-scale operation against Hezbollah – reaffirmed on Tuesday that he had no intention of “taking his foot off the accelerator,” stating that his army is intensifying its operations in Lebanon and “securing strategic positions.” The prime minister also pointed to a “national effort aimed at countering the threat of Hezbollah’s explosive drones.” Lebanese citizens are thus bracing for the worst, while Hezbollah remains wholly indifferent to the appalling human, economic, social and material toll of the devastating war into which it has dragged the country for Iran’s benefit. Israeli strikes intensified throughout Tuesday. Since Monday afternoon, the city of Nabatieh – on the verge of suffering the same fate as Bint Jbeil, reduced to a heap of ashes – along with towns in the Western Bekaa, strongholds of the pro-Iranian movement, have been subjected to the relentless fire of Israeli warplanes and drones. For the first time since the war began, the Israeli army called on the residents of Nabatieh to evacuate the entire city and make their way “north of the Zahrani River.” Also, for the first time, it struck with such ferocity at the villages of the western Bekaa. In the mixed village of Machghara alone, fifteen people were killed in a raid carried out after an evacuation order had been issued – a locality where Hezbollah fighters take shelter inside or near homes abandoned by their inhabitants in order to launch their rockets at Israeli positions. The logic of this group – to which Lebanon owes, in addition to the destruction, an Israeli occupation of a vast swath of its southern territory – remains unchanged: unable to repel the Israeli army, Hezbollah strives instead to inflict losses upon it. Yet those losses remain negligible compared to those borne by Lebanon. Since March 2, Tel Aviv has recorded 23 deaths in its military ranks, while Lebanon counts 3,185 dead and 9,633 wounded. A figure that risks climbing still higher should Israel follow through on its threats. Benjamin Netanyahu held military consultations with his Defense Minister, Israel Katz, and his Chief of Staff, Eyal Zamir, just hours before the Israeli army confirmed to Reuters its intention to push northward the fictitious “yellow line” that demarcates the so-called security zone it has established along the full length of its northern border. In the early hours of Tuesday morning, it conducted an incursion roughly ten kilometers north of that line to drive back Hezbollah fighters. The risk today is considerable that Israel will extend its sphere of influence all the way to the Zahrani River, just a few kilometers south of Sidon, in keeping with the wishes of the far-right ministers within the Israeli cabinet. Or that it will move to execute its original plan – launching an incursion into the Bekaa from positions it controls on the Lebanese slopes of Mount Hermon, in order to establish a security zone there as well and neutralize the Hezbollah threat, pending security arrangements with Lebanon. One development on the ground lends weight to this hypothesis: the targeting of roads in the Bekaa. The Israeli air force has rendered impassable the strategic road running alongside Lake Qaraoun, near the dam, which links the villages of Qaraoun and Machghara. The route in question has been struck four times, though without the dam itself being damaged, according to the Litani Water Authority. This tactic – cutting off access routes to disrupt the movement of Hezbollah fighters – echoes the one the Israeli army employed in southern Lebanon prior to launching its ground operation. Confronted with this worst-case scenario, one is entitled to ask whether Hezbollah, at Iran’s behest, has not deliberately escalated its drone attacks against the Israeli army in recent days – fully aware that Israel would not stand idly by – in order to pursue a dual objective: to derail the new round of direct talks between Beirut and Tel Aviv, tentatively scheduled for Friday in Washington, and to turn Lebanon into yet another pressure card in Tehran’s hand amid potentially fraught negotiations with the United States. For the moment, neither Israel nor Hezbollah appears ready to ease the military pressure, fueling fears of a protracted conflict over which the authorities have no control. A Mediation at a Standstill Against this charged backdrop, not only do mediation efforts to revive Iranian-American dialogue remain deadlocked, but tensions between the belligerents have resurfaced. Tehran has reverted to a language of threats, following U.S. strikes targeting Islamic Revolutionary Guards Corps hydrofoils in Bandar Abbas, near the Strait of Hormuz. Iran’s Foreign Ministry accused Washington of a “flagrant violation of the ceasefire,” while the American military asserted it had targeted missile launch sites as well as vessels suspected of laying naval mines. “Iran holds the United States responsible for all consequences arising from these aggressive and unjustified actions,” the ministry warned in a statement. For his part, Iran’s Supreme Leader, Mojtaba Khamenei, warned that U.S. forces would henceforth have “no safe haven in the region,” while the Revolutionary Guards claimed to have shot down a U.S. drone and opened fire on other aircraft entering Iranian airspace. It is against this backdrop of renewed escalation that U.S. President Donald Trump is reportedly headed to Camp David tomorrow, according to the New York Post , for consultations on the Iranian file with members of his administration, including Director of National Intelligence Tulsi Gabbard, who submitted her resignation four days ago. Far from the regional tensions, the suspension of an Iranian presidential decree reinstating Internet access in Iran is also noteworthy, as it underscores the Revolutionary Guards’ grip over strategic decision-making in the country. The decision to overturn the measure was taken by Iran’s justice ministry.









