In Nabatieh, the Army Deploys Temporarily After Southern Shiites Sound the Alarm

Three developments in Lebanon deserve close attention because of their significant sociopolitical implications: the second “Appeal to Save Nabatieh,” published Monday and signed by nearly 400 figures, many of them Shiites, from the region of southern Lebanon; an armed clash – the second in 24 hours – between alleged members of Iran’s Islamic Revolutionary Guard Corps (IRGC) and residents of the village of Nmayreh, backed by supporters of the Amal Movement, an ally of Hezbollah; and, finally, statements issued by two Shiite villages, Arabsalim and Doueir, calling on the army to establish permanent posts at the entrances to their communities.

Although different in nature, these developments converge on one fundamental point in the Lebanese context: They reflect a significant shift in the way part of the Shiite community perceives and responds to Hezbollah’s destructive strategy in Lebanon. For years, the Shiite voice, particularly that of the opposition, was marginalized or silenced by the pro-Iranian movement. It has now begun to make itself heard. It first emerged in May, when the cities of Tyre and Nabatieh were subjected to heavy Israeli raids. Today, it is growing more assertive, joining the voice of the majority of Lebanese who are calling on the state to assume its responsibilities and spare the country – and, more particularly, what remains of southern Lebanon – from the destructive adventures of the pro-Iranian group.

The question now is whether the Lebanese state will finally heed this Appeal, which sounds like a cry of distress, and fulfill its own commitments, made on March 2, 2026, just hours after Hezbollah launched rockets and drones at Israel, which immediately responded with heavy strikes.

That day, the government of Nawaf Salam announced unequivocally an “immediate” ban on all Hezbollah military activities and ordered the group to hand over its weapons. Law enforcement agencies were even instructed to arrest those who violated the order. Yet, unfortunately, all those decisions have remained a dead letter, for various reasons, including the fear of confronting a powerful militia. Or perhaps Iran itself, if the IRGC does indeed direct Hezbollah’s military operations in Lebanon.

Rumors to that effect had already circulated in Lebanon several months earlier. They gained renewed traction amid the mystery surrounding the fall of the strategic Ali al-Taher hill, overlooking Nabatieh. Members of the Revolutionary Guards were reportedly evacuated from the site, while Hezbollah fighters were said to have been killed there.

On Tuesday, Janoubia, a Shiite opposition media outlet, reported information that further bolsters the rumor: Fierce armed clashes broke out between residents of Nmayreh, in the Nabatieh district, and Revolutionary Guards fighters “who were trying to establish a post in a civilian home in the village.” “Backed by Amal supporters, the residents managed to prevent IRGC operatives from establishing a foothold and drove them out of the village,” Janoubia reported.

The Army in Nabatieh for an Hour and a Half

The 400 signatories of the “Appeal to Save Nabatieh,” for their part, called on the state to deploy the army in the city and the district, stressing the responsibility it bears in this regard.

While the statement condemned Israel’s actions in southern Lebanon, it was equally forceful in its criticism of Hezbollah, directly holding it responsible – without naming it, but referring to it as “the forces of the fait accompli” – for the destruction in the south and the tragedy endured by its residents: “The enemy’s responsibility does not absolve those responsible internally. Responsibility for the crime lies with the one who committed it, while responsibility for the choices, decisions and positions lies with those who made them, shielded them or passively tolerated them. Whoever, for years, held the power to decide on war and peace, convincing the residents of the south that it was best placed to protect them, must now answer for the consequences of its choice: What remains of the territory? What has become of the villages? And what capacity does the population still have to stand its ground or return?”

While Hezbollah, usually so outspoken, continues to maintain absolute silence over the fall of Ali al-Taher, the fate and number of its fighters, and the deal that allegedly allowed the IRGC operatives to be evacuated, Lebanese authorities were busy Tuesday stepping up political and diplomatic contacts following the bloodshed over the weekend and on Monday, in an effort to prevent Israel from advancing toward Nabatieh or continuing to pound the city.

Prime Minister Nawaf Salam met with Parliament Speaker and Amal Movement leader Nabih Berri for that purpose. The Hezbollah ally gave the green light for the army to deploy in Nabatieh, and troops did so for an hour and a half on Tuesday afternoon. Residents welcomed the deployment, greeting the soldiers by showering them with rice. According to several sources who independently confirmed the information, the army will deploy for a few hours every day.

The raids continued throughout the day, but their intensity eased in the Nabatieh district with the arrival of the army.

On the diplomatic front, attention is focused on a meeting between U.S. Ambassador Michel Issa and Sheikh Ali al-Khatib, deputy president of the Higher Islamic Shiite Council. The meeting came a day after the escalation triggered by Hezbollah, which, by launching booby-trapped drones at Israeli positions, gave Tel Aviv another pretext to continue the destruction of villages in southern Lebanon.

After the meeting, Michel Issa stressed that Washington “wants nothing other than what is in the interest of the Shiite community and the return of the south to its people,” reaffirming that the United States is willing to engage with Hezbollah, “but through the Lebanese state.”

“But we do not know how to achieve a result with a part of this community that does not realize that its interests lie in recognizing its responsibilities,” he said, referring to Hezbollah. His remarks indirectly suggest that he may have sought Sheikh al-Khatib’s intervention to reason with the group.

Sheikh al-Khatib, for his part, expressed the Shiite community’s willingness to discuss the issue of weapons “if they are provided with protection and given guarantees,” without specifying what those guarantees would be.

Escalation Builds in Yemen

At the regional level, attention remains focused on Yemen, where the military escalation between government forces, backed by Riyadh, and the pro-Iranian Houthis continues to intensify. Overnight, the Houthis launched a major attack on a series of civilian facilities in Saudi Arabia, leaving at least 75 people wounded.

They launched drone and missile strikes against the kingdom’s south, targeting in particular Aramco facilities in Abha, Najran and Jizan, as well as King Khalid Air Base in Khamis Mushait.

Riyadh has vowed to retaliate, with Foreign Minister Faisal bin Farhan saying it would not “close the door to diplomacy.” It has carried out strikes against Houthi targets as fighting continues to rage on the ground between government forces and the pro-Iranian group, which is seeking to advance toward areas near the strategic Bab el-Mandeb Strait – another lever of pressure for Iran, which, unable to control the waterway itself, apparently seeks through its proxies to disrupt shipping through the passage.

The military escalation remains concentrated in western Taiz and southern Hodeidah. According to the United Nations Office for the Coordination of Humanitarian Affairs (OCHA), about 18,000 people have fled bombardments and clashes in the districts of Maqbanah and Jabal Habashi, in Taiz.

The Houthis also announced that they had shot down a U.S. drone, while Tehran shot down a drone over the Strait of Hormuz.