The Gulf States: From Oil to Power (1/3)

Power is imposing one's will: to do, to make others do, to prevent doing, to compel others to do (Raymond Aron).

The Gulf States emerged and grew wealthy thanks to the exploitation of their natural resources—oil and gas—particularly since what was later called the first oil shock of 1973. This shock was significant for what is commonly referred to as the West, namely North America and Europe, even though at that time in the 1970s a large part of Europe was not, by any means, part of the European Union and was still subject to the Soviet yoke and, equally, to that of communism for nearly another twenty years.

Could it not be said that since the dawn of the 21st century, the Gulf States have, in a way, emancipated themselves from this dependence, which still provides them with a significant financial windfall, but which they have managed to use and radically transform to achieve a status other than that of rentier states? Furthermore, would it not be pertinent to say that these states have undergone, in rapidly progressing stages, a veritable cybernetic conversion akin to a revolution in the truest sense? The Gulf States in question here are, as a reminder, Saudi Arabia, Bahrain, the United Arab Emirates, Kuwait, Oman, and Qatar. They are not all at the same stage in this evolution and transformation, but the movement is well underway for each of them, each at its own pace, according to the path it has chosen for the implementation and development of its own specific characteristics and objectives. This is therefore not an abandonment—not yet—of oil and gas, nor a break with what still sustains them, but rather an emancipation enabling them to carry out what can truly be called a revolution.

Starting with the wealth offered by energy resources, they aspire to become powerful. What is this power, what processes are employed to achieve it, and what are their objectives?

Concurrent Development

Some data relating to these states are similar, though not identical. Geographically close, they border the Persian Gulf—only Saudi Arabia and Oman have other maritime access—and they have developed concurrently: high-quality urban planning without fearing gigantism; modernization in all areas (finance, economy, commerce, tourism) that does not shy away from climate challenges; maritime development; port and logistics hubs; and an identity also focused on luxury and excellence. Some of these states are now essential points of convergence and intercontinental air hubs.

They adopted a strategy aimed at demonstrating their existence and awareness, prior to official recognition, by showcasing organization and the capacity to act in fields as diverse as sporting, cultural, and artistic events, meetings, and large-scale demonstrations. Iraq, as a Gulf state, should legitimately have been included among them. Its fate, unfortunately sealed in 2003, has not yet allowed it to join forces with the other states. Faced with Iran, which also aspires to be a Middle Eastern power, these states as a whole have asserted themselves as a genuine regional power. A different kind of power, certainly, but a power nonetheless.

Next article: The Gulf States, from regional to international

Note: The importance of this theme prompted the organizers of the 4th edition of the Mediterranean Strategic Meetings (RSMed 2025), a conference organized in Toulon (France) every year since 2022 by the Mediterranean Foundation for Strategic Studies (FMES), to dedicate a round table to it in the program for the days of October 8 and 9, 2025.