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Massive explosion caused by an Israeli strike near the town of Al-Mansouri in southern Lebanon. (AFP)
Weekly essentials
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By LevantTime .
Published Sep 6, 2026 - 23:27
While the United States had appeared to be relying solely on economic warfare against Iran, the US military abruptly carried out strikes on Iranian territory on Tuesday in retaliation for attacks targeting oil tankers, setting off a spiral of violence over the course of the week. In Lebanon, Israel released several civilians held in its prisons, while its army seized the strategic Ali el-Taher hill and continued its heavy strikes in the area it controls in the south of the country. The week from August 31 to September 6 was marked by a sharp acceleration of events in the Middle East, after the previous one had seemed defined by relative stagnation. On the Iranian front, the US military carried out targeted strikes inside Iranian territory as early as Tuesday evening, the first in nearly a month. This screen grab, made on September 6, 2026 from undated video footage released the same day by US Central Command, shows what CENTCOM says is one of the Iranian oil tankers it destroyed in response to attempted missile attacks on naval vessels. (CENTCOM via AFP) However, the relatively limited pace of the strikes suggests that the US administration has opted for an escalation that remains controlled, while continuing its blockade and economic pressure on Tehran. Even so, tensions continued to rise throughout the week. Explosions were heard on Saturday on the highly strategic island of Kharg, through which most of Iran’s oil exports pass. US President Donald Trump, for his part, threatened to strike the Kuh-e Kolang nuclear site — “Pickaxe Mountain” in Persian — a heavily fortified facility located deep underground, not far from Natanz, Iran’s main uranium-enrichment site. Earlier in the week, he had enshrined the “tanker for tanker” equation, pledging to target an Iranian vessel every time the Islamic Revolutionary Guard Corps struck an oil tanker in the Strait of Hormuz. That is precisely what the US military did on Saturday, setting two Iranian vessels ablaze. Politically, Donald Trump further hardened his tone toward Tehran. After saying in an interview that talks had been permanently frozen “because an agreement with them is not worth the paper it is written on,” he said on Saturday that the “conflict” with Iran was not a “war,” but “something ordinary” for the United States. A way of rattling the Iranians while at the same time reassuring the US public ahead of the midterm elections. A port, along with storage facilities and warehouses, was damaged following a US military strike carried out on September 6, 2026 in Iran’s southern Hormozgan province, which borders the Strait of Hormuz. (AFP) At the same time, the US news outlet Axios published a report on Saturday suggesting that the United States is already looking beyond this conflict, which began on February 28. Citing US officials and other informed sources, the outlet said the Trump administration is developing a broader strategy for the post-war Middle East. According to the report, it would be based on creating a regional alignment aimed at containing Iran, bringing an end to the regional fallout from Hamas’s October 7, 2023 attacks in Gaza, and expanding the circle of normalization between Israel and countries in the region. The threat against Kuh-e Kolang, which brings the Iranian nuclear issue back to the fore, echoes an announcement by the International Atomic Energy Agency (IAEA), which said on September 1 that Iran had still not reopened its sites to inspectors following the strikes of May 2025. It should be recalled that despite the scale of the Israeli-American offensive against Iranian sites, it is almost certain that the stockpile of enriched uranium remains intact and has been moved to a safe location by the Iranian authorities, which remain committed to what they consider their right to develop a nuclear program. Following the IAEA announcement, the United States, together with France, Britain and Germany, said they intended to submit a resolution to the UN Security Council condemning Iran’s failure to comply with its non-proliferation commitments. This display of unity stands in contrast to the chill that has prevailed between Washington and its European allies since the beginning of the conflict. For their part, the Iranians appear to be responding to the upheaval in much the same way as before: by striking neighboring countries, notably Kuwait, the United Arab Emirates and Jordan, without directly targeting Israel. Heavy strikes in southern Lebanon On the Lebanese front, Israel is intensifying its destruction operations in villages in the south, even using explosive barrels in some cases. Lebanese President Joseph Aoun urged Washington and the international community to “put an end” to Israeli attacks on Lebanese territory, which killed seven people on Sunday against the backdrop of a fragile truce. The strikes hit several localities in the Nabatiyeh region. Twenty people were also wounded, including children, according to the Health Ministry. One strike also destroyed the former Ghandour hospital, which had been out of service for years. Release of detainees and capture of Ali el-Taher But the major event of the week in the south was the Israeli capture of the strategic Ali el-Taher hill in the Nabatiyeh region. The site served as a major Hezbollah headquarters, consisting of an extensive network of tunnels from which fighters from the Shiite party operated, along with, according to some reports, Iranian fighters. On Thursday evening, the Israelis announced that they had taken control of the complex. On Sunday, Israeli Defense Minister Israel Katz said that tunnels still had to be blown up. This military “success” may not have come as a surprise after weeks of bombardment, but Hezbollah’s reaction was more unexpected. After long insisting that it would refuse to give up this strategic hill — as had the Iranians, who had also threatened to intervene — the Shiite party ultimately sought to play down the significance of the development through its media outlets and allied networks, without officially confirming the loss of the site, which it had refused to preserve by handing it over to the Lebanese army. The other major surprise of the week was Israel’s release of five Lebanese and Syrian civilians held in its prisons. The move came following a visit to Tel Aviv by US Ambassador to Lebanon Michel Issa. According to the Israeli prime minister’s office, Thursday’s announcement “follows efforts by Israel and Lebanon to locate and repatriate the remains of leaders of the Jewish community who had been abducted and killed in Lebanon” between 1984 and 1986. Here too, Hezbollah’s reaction raises questions. While describing the move as positive but insufficient, the party once again turned on the Lebanese authorities, accusing them of “submission to the enemy” and holding them “responsible” for the disaster in the south. It even warned them against “internal conflicts.” Could the party’s military setbacks push it to turn increasingly toward the domestic front? Finally, the Israeli army made an important statement on Sunday, saying it was considering reducing its occupation zone in southern Lebanon, moving from the current “yellow zone” to a “grey zone.” Such a development would, according to this assessment, reflect a reduced threat from Hezbollah. The measure has not yet been approved by Israel’s political leadership. Yemen and Palestine The week was also particularly tense in Yemen, where clashes between Houthi rebels and government forces continued to intensify, culminating in an especially deadly Saturday in which more than 60 people were killed in a single day, bringing the death toll since Thursday to around 200. The Houthi offensive is aimed in particular at taking control of areas bordering the Bab el-Mandeb passage, which would give this Iranian ally additional leverage over another major strategic chokepoint after the Strait of Hormuz. In Palestine, particularly troubling comments by Israel Katz on Gaza marked the week. He claimed, without providing evidence, that most of the territory’s residents wanted to leave, stressing that Israel was “ready for such an evacuation” on a mass scale. A sign that the ordeal of Gaza’s residents may be far from over. Finally, it is worth noting that the IAEA announced on September 1 that facilities discovered in Deir el-Zor, Syria, indicate that Bashar al-Assad’s former regime had secretly been preparing an advanced nuclear program that could have led to the production of an atomic weapon with the help of North Korean experts.
Homage
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By Michel Hajji Georgiou - Published Sep 6, 2026 - 13:31
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The Argentine player, who brought his international career to an end on August 31, 2026, was nothing less than a magician of the stadiums. His journey, made of wonders, falls and redemption, may tell us something about our undiminished need for enchantment in a world that nevertheless claims to have rid itself of it. Announced a few weeks after the 2026 World Cup final lost to Spain, Lionel Messi’s international retirement inevitably stirred an emotion for which it is difficult to find many equivalents in the recent history of football. One would probably have to go back to Maradona, or perhaps to Cruyff or Pelé, to recover that sense that, with the retirement of a player, something disappears that extends far beyond the sport itself, as though a certain way of inhabiting football, perhaps even of believing in it, were also coming to an end. Far from the glacis of reason Enough of the endless statistics and the unbearable, tedious and sterile quarrels over “who is the greatest of all time.” The author of these lines has never been a fanatic of the round ball, nor, for that matter, of vertical rankings or hierarchies of merit in general, and consequently appreciates the talent of each player with the same sense of wonder as an eleven-year-old child. Besides, this particularly contemporary obsession with numbers ruins all the pleasure of the spectacle. And with good reason: the approach that consists in adding up goals, assists, Ballons d’Or, Champions Leagues, Copa América titles, World Cups… can only be reductive. On another register, it is not entirely unrelated to German-American philosopher Eric Voegelin’s critique of the modern Gnostic temptation: that of a form of knowledge convinced that it can imprison reality within a system and abolish whatever resists it. Records are probably one indicator of Lionel Messi’s genius. Yet so many other great players who made stadiums and hearts tremble, without achieving half of what he did, nevertheless remain eternal in our memories. What made them truly singular lies elsewhere, far from the glacis of reason. Something else was at work around them. Something belonging to a certain profound sense of transcendence that understanding can never fully grasp. This has been true of Lionel Messi for more than twenty years, since the day when, under the gaze of the “icon” Diego Maradona, he made his first appearance, in June 2006, on the World Cup stage in the colors of the Albiceleste against Serbia and Montenegro. That ineffable element that constitutes Messi’s genius, as it does that of others, may indeed touch upon one of modernity’s strangest paradoxes: the persistence of magic in a world that has constructed itself precisely against it. The disenchanted world Max Weber used the expression “disenchantment of the world” to describe the slow process by which Western modernity gradually subjected existence to rationalization, calculation, predictability and causal explanation. The world was no longer supposed to be traversed by obscure powers, signs, supernatural interventions or invisible wills; it was, at least in principle, to become intelligible. Unfortunately, modern sport, and more broadly the modern world inherited from globalization, fits perfectly within this dynamic. Today’s football, and not football alone, is probably one of the most quantified objects imaginable. The slightest gesture is measured, and everything is carefully calculated and modeled. From mathematics to artificial intelligence, raw talent now depends more on science than on enchantment. What is human in its spontaneous, even wild, relationship with the invisible that springs from the heart is disappearing before our eyes, in favor of the squaring of the VAR circle. It is, in a sense, the murder of sport in the name of greater rigor and fairness… even though the euthanasia of this share of sublime spontaneity ultimately produces glaring injustices of its own. One need only revisit some of the controversial decisions of the 2026 World Cup to see it. Paradox of paradoxes, Lionel Messi was himself, at the outset, a child of this technical modernity, to which he certainly owes part of his exceptional career. His body, too small by expected standards, was corrected through hormone treatment. Identified very early, his talent was taken in hand by an institution that organized his training, nutrition, physical development and integration into an already globalized sporting machine. Nothing, in appearance, could have been further removed from the old heroic narrative. At first sight, the story seems closer to dystopias in the vein of Gattaca than to myths and messianic narratives. And yet the old narrative did indeed return, and with an almost embarrassing insistence. Since the beginning of his career, Lionel Messi has been placed under the microscope. But the more people labored to explain and demystify him, the less they succeeded in entirely dissipating the impression produced by some of his gestures. The man simply cannot be circumscribed and reduced to an accumulation of data. At an age when most great players retreat into the shadows, he continues to surprise. To astonish, even, by bringing to sport that element of the senseless which escapes the quasi-robotic hypersystematization of the world. It is probably there that one must seek this elsewhere that characterizes Messi. In the survival of magic at a time when even the spaces that once allowed the positive expression of a humanity made of flesh and blood are gradually being “disciplined” by the hypnotic attraction of a new puritanical Gnosis in the name of modernity. The Messiah made by the machine Although he emerged, in a sense, from the machinery of the Matrix, Lionel Messi constitutes in himself a challenge to this ready-to-wear model. A kind of alter ego of Neo from The Matrix, thrown into a simulation governed by parameters that claim to calculate everything. The Argentine’s destiny gradually took on, almost despite himself, the form of a messianic narrative. The pun on his name would be too easy had it not been ceaselessly revived by his own story: that of the fragile child whose body seemed intent on denying him the fulfillment to which his talent destined him. Then that of exile at a very young age to Barcelona, adoption by a foreign city, an almost unreal ascent, worldwide recognition, followed by this strange difficulty in being recognized by his own… For a long time, Argentina maintained a relationship of hainamoration with its prodigal child. His results, his talent, his brilliance mattered little… he still had to answer one merciless question: why wasn’t he Maradona? The comparison was admittedly inevitable, but it was also profoundly unfair. Everything separated the two men in their way of being in the world. Maradona carried Argentina with everything in it that was passionate, contradictory, excessive and theatrical. He spoke, provoked, fought, fell, returned, mingled football with his private life, his anger, his political commitments… all the way to his own destruction. His very body seemed to become one of the places where the contradictions of his country were played out. Maradona was the very incarnation of what the world expected from football: a rebellious soul, sometimes pushing the game to the point of immorality, but within a kind of footballing gigantomachy. Maradona was epic. And, above all, he had placed his country at the summit of world football in 1986. Messi offered none of that. He was silent, at times almost absent from the story others were constructing around him, an absence long interpreted as a flaw. Almost erased, devoid of personality. That, moreover, was what the two giants Maradona and Pelé reproached him for: a lack of leadership, being too smooth. A kind of miracle test-tube baby of the stadiums. The boy from Rosario was also criticized for not singing the anthem loudly enough, for not being Argentine enough, for having been “manufactured” by Barcelona, and then, naturally, for failing to win with the national team what he won almost continuously with his club. The unfulfilled prophecy The dramatic loss to Germany in the 2014 World Cup final, followed by the Copa América finals of 2015 and 2016, had gradually transformed that suspicion into an accusation. When he missed his penalty against Chile in 2016 and subsequently announced that he was leaving the national team, he was nevertheless already one of the greatest players in football history. Yet his story remained strangely unfinished. The sense of incompletion had little to do with his honors. It concerned instead that quasi-archaic necessity continually imposed upon modern heroes: to bring their initiatory journey to completion. In Argentina’s colors, Messi shone, then fell heavily. But he did not rise again. He did not fulfill the prophecy. And, in the eyes of his people, this reinforced the sense of hainamoration: a fallen god remains a god, after all. But with the added burden of what his worshippers regard as an intolerable substratum of humanity and, therefore, something perfectly detestable: his flaws, his weaknesses. Argentines loved Maradona despite his spectacular downfall and his fallible humanity. But that was because he had “earned” the right to such a downfall, because it had somehow become acceptable after Mexico 1986. Messi, by contrast, did not yet have the right to fall, because he had not yet reached the summit. No, the prophecy had not been fulfilled. It was even becoming a caricature. So Messi returned. But he still had to wait for his redemption. It took the 2021 Copa América at the Maracanã for this relationship of suspicion, expectation and disappointment with his public and his people truly to begin changing. And above all it took the 2022 World Cup for the story to acquire that almost excessively perfect form that no one would have dared write without appearing to indulge in a screenwriter’s contrivance. Strangely, Maradona had died in 2020. It was as though a kind of oppressive national curse had been lifted. At the same time, the Argentine people needed a substitute father figure, and the pressure was thereby only redoubled. But perhaps mixed with a little tenderness this time? What happened in Qatar in 2022 is all the more interesting because Messi himself appeared slightly different. He protested more, answered provocations, lost his temper, spoke with a violence of which few had thought him capable, and even let slip that now famous “¿Qué mirás, bobo?” at the Dutch, to Argentina’s amusement. Buenos Aires finally discovered, belatedly, what it had always expected from him. A little Maradona in a great deal of Messi. But Messi did not become Maradona. And perhaps that was precisely where the true reconciliation occurred: Argentina stopped asking him to be. From 2022 onward, Messi no longer needed to embody another model of national genius. For his country too, he could finally become what he had already been everywhere else: Messi. Simply. The final act of the prophecy Granted, the triumph of 2022 could have constituted a perfect ending. But, as with Maradona, the final act of heroic prophecy is the fall. No one really expected anything extraordinary from Messi anymore in 2026. At 39, he was widely regarded as one of the “tired heroes.” The fall from the Capitol had come with the bitter episode of his departure from FC Barcelona and his misadventure at PSG. He was now playing only in the American league, in Miami’s colors… on the periphery of the footballing world, in the distant lands of soccer. And the new generation was already there, ready to send its ancestors off to Bicêtre. Yet this 2026 World Cup, which seemed destined to be nothing more than an epilogue, turned into one last sensational blaze of glory. Argentina reached the final once again, with Messi, at 39, restored as its “historic leader” and its recourse in decisive moments, achieving something not unlike what Roberto Baggio had done for Italy in 1994, at… 27: a perpetual deus ex machina. Baggio failed at the gates of triumph against Brazil after practically carrying Italy all the way to Pasadena. His penalty, sent over the crossbar, would leave behind one of the cruelest images in World Cup history: a man standing motionless, head bowed, hands on his hips, while Brazil celebrated its victory. The man who had “died standing.” The Italian imp never knew apotheosis. Yet this symbolic death, far from erasing his tournament, eventually became part of his legend. History was kinder to Messi, despite a campaign of hatred directed at him, mixed with accusations of cheating and favoritism, against a backdrop of controversial refereeing decisions and acts of unsporting conduct by his team, just as it had once been with Maradona. Kinder still, in fact. A final in a sixth World Cup on the verge of retirement, capped by an outstanding individual performance? That is precisely where the magic of the Messi phenomenon lies, and where it defies reason and its avalanche of statistics. Genius cannot be imprisoned within a sum of parameters and variables. Even optimal physical condition cannot by itself explain what the entire world witnessed. And what does it matter if his story reminds us that the hero, however mythical, cannot abolish the sinister influence of Saturn. The re-enchantment of the world For beyond the prophecy fulfilled, from ascent to fall, with its share of happiness and misfortune, the Argentine offered the world one final lap that belongs to art, if not to a form of Homeric poetry. With Lionel Messi’s withdrawal from the international stage, a little of the world’s magic disappears… until another providential hero returns to enchant the stadiums. For more than twenty years, Messi embodied the coexistence of two worlds we had thought incompatible: that of the extreme rationalization of modern sport and that, far older, of the hero, the sign, expectation and enchantment. When Messi leaves, something of this contradiction suddenly becomes visible. Other prodigies have already emerged, but perhaps, at the very moment when one of its last great representatives leaves the stage, we discover just how much we continue to need transcendence. The modern world has therefore probably not abolished enchantment. It has merely displaced it. For ninety minutes at a time, this man called Lionel Messi, who embodied it on football pitches, now leaves after having accomplished everything. And even more.
Analyze

Have We Become Stupider?

Or Are We Experiencing a Transformation in the Structure of Knowledge?
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By Mona Fayad - Published Sep 5, 2026 - 20:01
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The question “Has the world become stupider?” frequently returns in contemporary debates about digital media, search engines, and social networks. On the surface, it seems simple. Yet behind it lies a deeper issue concerning the very nature of knowledge: how it is produced, how it is transmitted, and how it is consumed. Perhaps “Have we become stupider?” is not the most accurate question. A better one might be: Is knowledge still being transmitted in a way that allows it to be understood and made productive? Do most readers still go back to the original texts? Or do they turn instead to summaries and to what is said about those texts through material circulating among readers? One key to understanding this phenomenon lies in the work of British psychologist Frederic Bartlett, who conducted a series of experiments in the 1930s on what he called “serial reproduction.” In these experiments, one person would be asked to hear a story and then retell it to someone else, who would in turn retell it to a third person, and so on. The results were striking: with each new transmission, the story was not conveyed as it had originally been told, but was reformulated. Some details were omitted, others were exaggerated, and still others were replaced by elements that better suited the recipient’s background, experience, and culture. By the time the chain had passed through enough people, the original story had become something entirely different. This simple model reveals a fundamental truth: memory is not a neutral container, but a mechanism of reconstruction. When knowledge passes through multiple intermediaries, it is not “preserved” but “reproduced.” Here we begin to see the resemblance to our contemporary world, and with it the fear that we may be becoming stupider. In the age of digital media, knowledge no longer travels through oral transmission, but through chains of mediation: an article is summarized, then quoted, then reposted as a short post, before being further reduced to a sentence or a headline. In this context, we might borrow a metaphor that appeared in a journalistic text: a library whose books are gradually replaced by summaries, then by summaries of summaries, until the reader is left facing layer upon layer of reduction. We might call this the “raccoon chain”: the raccoon does not read the original, but rummages through what remains of it. It is worth clarifying that the choice of the “raccoon” is not arbitrary. The metaphor symbolically condenses a cognitive condition that is becoming increasingly entrenched. This animal, which lives on the fringes of cities and rummages through garbage bins, does not produce its own food but feeds on the leftovers of what others have produced. Despite its practical intelligence and its ability to pry things apart, pick through them, and seize what is useful, it does not understand what lies before it. It treats things simply as material available for immediate use. This is what knowledge begins to look like in an age of serial reduction: texts are shortened, then shortened again, until all that remains are scraps of meaning, rearranged and circulated without any genuine connection to their source. At that point, we have not merely moved away from the original. We have entered a new phase in the production of information or knowledge, in which the cognitive actor is no longer a reader or a thinker, but a collector of fragments of meaning who redistributes them in forms designed for rapid consumption. “Raccoon culture,” then, is not merely a description of superficiality. It is an accurate description of the degradation of the knowledge chain itself: from creation to summary, from understanding to formal processing, from ideas to something resembling only their faded trace. Yet this phenomenon cannot be understood apart from the technological structure that governs it. Here Marshall McLuhan becomes relevant, with his famous formulation: “The medium is the message.” The problem lies not only in content, but also in the form through which that content is transmitted. Contemporary digital media do not simply convey information. They reshape it according to the logic of speed, condensation, and fragmentation. Long texts become unsuitable for consumption, while an idea becomes acceptable only if it can be compressed into a few shareable lines. This transformation produces a striking paradox: we live in a time when access to knowledge is no longer difficult. It is excessively easy. And with that excessive ease comes what might be called a “cognitive illusion”: reading a brief passage or a quick summary can be enough to make a person feel that they have grasped an idea. Yet this feeling of possession is not necessarily accompanied by deep understanding, or by the ability to reconstruct or critique that knowledge. This is where we encounter what might be called the “semi-educated”: people who possess the signs of knowledge but not its structure, its vocabulary but not its internal logic. The problem becomes even more complex when viewed through the lens of attention. Instead of remaining in a state of sustained concentration, as in traditional reading or prolonged reflection, the mind now exists under continuous informational bombardment: notifications, clips, headlines, and successive waves of content. This does not merely fragment attention. It reshapes it according to a logic of constant jumping between short units of meaning, rather than the gradual and cumulative construction of an idea. I am reminded here of a joke that we used to tell and that was widely circulated during the days of popular demonstrations. It vividly illustrates the process of reduction and reshaping of content. After the occupation of Palestine, many popular demonstrations took to the streets chanting, “Down with the Balfour Declaration!” The joke was that by the end of the demonstration, the slogan had become, in Arabic, “Let one fall from above,” a completely different phrase that retained something of the original slogan’s rhythm and sound. This image may help bring us closer to what happens in everyday language when knowledge is transformed into short messages that are collectively repeated. A demonstration begins with a precise political slogan. Through repetition, collective immersion, and sonic rhythm, it gradually turns into a completely different formula. The new version may preserve the rhythm and emotional charge of the original, while losing its meaning and original significance. What remains is no longer the meaning, but the emotional energy of the phrase. Here, in another form, we encounter what Bartlett observed: what matters is not merely what was said, but how it was retold and how it was reinterpreted within a changing social context. If we bring these strands together, we might say that what we are experiencing today is not so much a “collapse of intelligence” as a transformation in the conditions under which intelligence operates. The human mind has not changed radically, but the environment in which it functions has changed profoundly: from an environment that allowed slow accumulation to one that imposes the rapid and fragmented reproduction of knowledge. This transformation creates a permanent tension between two kinds of thinking: reflective thought, which requires time, and rapid thought, which demands an immediate response. Seen in this light, the question “Have we become stupider?” is partly misleading. It may be more accurate to say that we are increasingly exposed to conditions that make deep thinking less stable, or less possible, and knowledge more vulnerable to fragmentation and recycling. As for stupidity, if the term can be used, it may not be a quality of the mind at all, but rather a side effect and a characteristic of the cultural structure that has emerged. It is a technology that reshapes our relationship with the world. Thus, rather than seeing this as a decline in human capacities, we might understand it as a transformation in the “knowledge environment”: an environment in which it has become easy to know something, but harder to truly understand it in depth.
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Tehran plays for time as Israel escalates in Lebanon

Faced with the impatience of US President Donald Trump, eager to make progress on negotiations with Iran before his visit to China next week, Tehran is playing a carefully calculated game of detachment. As of Thursday, the Islamic Republic had still not responded to the American proposal, announced Tuesday by President Trump, for a lasting end to the war launched on February 28. According to CNN, the response is expected within the next few hours. Two explanations can be given for the apparent nonchalance displayed by the Islamic Republic. The first lies in the fact that Tehran still believes it can maneuver and play on the element of time, hoping to minimize the concessions it has to make to the Americans or, at the very least, to get them to lower their demands. The other explanation could be related to internal divisions within Iran, which are preventing the development of a unified response, despite the efforts of the mullahs' regime to emphasize what it calls internal cohesion. It is within this context that we can understand the announcement made Thursday by Iranian President Masoud Pezeshkian regarding a "two-hour" meeting he said he held "recently" with the new Supreme Leader, Mojtaba Khamenei, "in an atmosphere of trust and direct dialogue." It should be noted that Khamenei has not been seen in public since his appointment in early March and was wounded during the war in the strikes that killed his father and predecessor, Ali Khamenei. While Iran believes the United States sought to force its "surrender," it refrained from slamming the door shut. Foreign Ministry spokesman Esmail Baghai stated that his country was "still examining the American plan and proposal." In the same context, Iranian Foreign Minister Abbas Araghchi held a telephone conversation with his Pakistani counterpart, Ishaq Dar (whose country is mediating between Tehran and Washington), during which he reportedly emphasized "the importance of maintaining dialogue and diplomacy," according to Iranian news agencies. These agencies indicated that the discussion focused on "regional affairs and efforts to strengthen cooperation among countries in the region." Over the past two days, Tehran has sent mixed signals regarding dialogue with the United States, which, along with the Gulf States, is preparing to submit a draft resolution to the UN Security Council demanding that Iran cease its attacks, disclose the location of its mines, and refrain from imposing shipping tolls. A vote is expected in the coming days. This initiative, it should be noted, follows the Iranian attack on the United Arab Emirates, launched when Washington decided to reopen the Strait of Hormuz and escort ships trapped in the Persian Gulf and the Sea of ​​Oman. Moreover, the United Arab Emirates announced on Thursday the creation of a committee tasked with documenting the attacks carried out by Iran in the Gulf country and their consequences, with a view to possible legal action. The American operation, dubbed "Project Freedom," launched on Monday, reportedly lasted less than 24 hours, as President Trump decided to suspend it pending Tehran's response to his proposals. But according to NBC News, Mr. Trump's reversal on his plan to escort ships through the Strait of Hormuz came after Saudi Arabia refused to allow US forces to use its airspace and bases for the operation. However, according to the Washington Post, Riyadh and Kuwait have lifted this ban. In any case, should the Islamic Republic respond favorably to Trump's latest proposal, the announcement of the end of the war should normally be accompanied by a reopening of the Strait of Hormuz. Otherwise, the American president remains determined, at least in his statements, to resume targeted strikes against Iran, despite domestic opposition to this war. In this context, Democratic lawmakers have called for Washington to end its silence on Israel's nuclear posture. A possible sign of a shift on the ground, the aircraft carrier Charles de Gaulle will be pre-positioned in the Gulf region, according to French authorities, as the coalition formed by London and Paris prepares to secure the Strait of Hormuz following a potential settlement. But signs of European goodwill stop there. French Foreign Minister Jean-Noël Barrot suggested on Thursday that lifting sanctions against Iran is not currently being considered. It would depend on what might be decided regarding theThe Strait of Hormuz will remain closed as long as this strategic maritime passage remains closed, he told French radio station RTL. The French minister reiterated that a strait is "a common good of humanity that cannot under any circumstances be blocked, subject to tolls, or even used as leverage," thus indirectly expressing reservations about a possible Iranian-American agreement for the exploitation of this strait. Lebanese-Israeli dialogue next week While the Iranian-American issue remains stalled, the Lebanese-Israeli talks appear to be progressing rapidly. According to the Lebanese channel MTV, a third meeting is scheduled in Washington next Thursday and Friday, this time with the participation of former ambassador Simon Karam, tasked by the Lebanese authorities with leading the negotiations with the Israeli delegation. The primary objective of this round of talks will be to halt Israeli attacks and destructive operations in southern Lebanon. This ambition may be considered difficult given Israel's determination to weaken the pro-Iranian group as much as possible and to continue, in this context, eliminating its leaders. The assassination of Ahmad Ghaleb Ballout, commander of Hezbollah's elite al-Radwan force, risks further complicating the task of the Lebanese negotiators. This is especially true since Israeli Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu made it clear on Thursday, in claiming responsibility for the operation, that Israel remains determined to hunt down Hezbollah leaders. "I say to our enemies in the clearest possible terms: no terrorist has immunity. Anyone who threatens the State of Israel will die for their actions," he said. This was a way of clearly signaling to Iran that the Hezbollah issue remains separate from the upcoming negotiations between Tehran and Washington. Meanwhile, on Thursday, Israeli aircraft launched a series of attacks against several towns in southern Lebanon, particularly targeting the city of Nabatieh and the surrounding villages in the district of the same name. As is the case almost every day, the Israeli army ordered residents of three southern villages, located far from the border, to evacuate, while Hezbollah claimed responsibility for a series of attacks against Israeli positions in southern Lebanon. Aside from the war, a key element of the day deserves mention: the official visit that Prime Minister Nawaf Salam is scheduled to make on Saturday to Damascus, leading a delegation from his government. On the agenda for the discussions are a series of issues related to bilateral cooperation. The agenda had been pre-established, but the war prevented the government from adhering to it. Another noteworthy event was the attempted assassination of Hadi Aboul Hosn, a member of parliament from the Progressive Socialist Party (PSP) bloc, in Qubbei, Mount Lebanon. A man who was identified and arrested threw a grenade at the parliamentarian, but it failed to detonate. On the international stage, Secretary of State Marco Rubio visited the Vatican. His mission was to ease tensions between the Holy See and Washington following Trump's criticism of the Pope over the pontiff's stance on the war in the Middle East. According to a State Department source, Pope Leo XIV and Marco Rubio held a "friendly and constructive" meeting at the Vatican on Thursday.

Lebanon: The Anomic State
By
Jamil Kamel Mroue
Published

Traditional analyses of Lebanon consistently utilize the "sectarian paradigm," viewing the state as a delicate equilibrium of religious factions. However, this lens fails to account for the current systemic disintegration that transcends communal boundaries. By applying Émile Durkheim’s paradigm of Anomie, this document argues that the Lebanese crisis is characterized not by sectarian friction, but by a profound state of "normlessness" and the deregulation of social life. In this view, sectarianism is not the primary cause of collapse, but a residual survival mechanism appearing in the vacuum left by a shattered social contract. I. Defining the Lens: The Durkheimian Anomie In “The Division of Labour in Society” (1893) and “Suicide” (1897), Émile Durkheim defined Anomie as a condition of social deregulation where the collective consciousness no longer provides the moral framework necessary to limit individual desires and expectations. Anomie arises during periods of rapid, catastrophic change—economic or social—where the "rules of the game" vanish. In an anomic society, the traditional institutions that once mediated between the individual and the world (the state, the law, the economy) lose their authority, leaving individuals in a state of "deracination" (uprootedness) and chronic frustration. II. Lebanon’s General Anomie: Beyond the Sectarian Veil While the sectarian paradigm suggests that Lebanese citizens are primarily driven by loyalty to their religious "In-Group," the data suggests a deeper, cross-communal reality: the total collapse of the Moral Authority of the state. 1. The Economic Deregulation: The collapse of the banking sector and the evaporation of the middle class is not a sectarian event; it is an anomic one. When a population’s life savings disappear and the currency loses 98% of its value, the "work-reward" social contract is annulled. Whether in Christian Ashrafieh or Shia “Dahiyeh”, the realization that "meritocracy is a lie" leads to a shared state of normlessness. 2. The Institutional Void: Durkheim argued that society requires "intermediate bodies" to function. In Lebanon, every intermediate body—from the judiciary to the educational system—is paralyzed. This has created a "Collective Anomie" where the population no longer knows which laws to follow, which currency to use, or what the future "normal" looks like. 3. The Youth Bulge as an Anomic Force: The Lebanese "Youth Bulge" is the demographic face of anomie. For the 15–24 age bracket across all sects, the traditional "pathways to adulthood" (employment, marriage, home-ownership) are blocked. This results in what Durkheim termed "the malady of the infinite"—desires that have no possibility of being satisfied by the existing structure, leading to either total apathy (brain drain) or radicalization (the search for a new, often violent, order). III. Why Anomie Outperforms the Sectarian Paradigm The sectarian paradigm is a static lens; it assumes that the problem is simply "too many identities." The anomie paradigm is a dynamic lens; it recognizes that the problem is the absence of a shared reality. Symptom vs. Cause : Sectarianism in 2026 Lebanon is a “symptom” of anomie. People do not retreat into sectarian bunkers because they are inherently intolerant; they retreat because the sect is the only remaining "intermediate body" that offers protection in a normless void. By focusing on sectarianism, analysts target the symptom while ignoring the cause: the total deregulation of Lebanese life. The Universality of Crisis : The sectarian lens suggests the crisis affects groups differently. The anomie lens proves the crisis is universal. The Christian engineer in Jbeil and the Sunni laborer in Tripoli are both suffering from the same breakdown of social regulation. Both have lost faith in the state’s ability to provide a predictable environment. The Predictive Powe r : Anomie explains why "political reforms" (like a new President or Cabinet) fail to stabilize the country. If the social fabric is anomic, a new political figurehead is irrelevant because the "norms" they are supposed to uphold no longer exist in the hearts of the citizens. IV. Conclusion: The Roadmap to Regulation To solve the Lebanese crisis, one must seek to re-regulate society rather than "balance" its sects. This requires moving beyond flights of sectarian desperation and focusing on the foundations of a new social contract. Stabilization will only occur when a new moral and economic order—one based on the realistic figures of 2026—can replace the vacuum of anomie. Until then, Lebanon remains a society "unhinged" from its own limitations, where the lack of common ground is not a choice of identity, but a consequence of institutional death.

The Inescapable Price of Lebanese Errors
By
Khairallah Khairallah
Published

A thick cord binds together all the Lebanese errors whose price will inevitably be paid in 2026 — those errors that ultimately led to the return of the Israeli occupation. What we are witnessing today is the natural consequence of an accumulation that began even before the Cairo Agreement of November 1969, that ill-fated pact concluded between Lebanon and the Palestine Liberation Organization. The agreement consecrated the collapse of the Lebanese state by leading it to abdicate its sovereignty over a portion of its territory. Whoever abandons part of his land abandons, in practice, sovereignty over the whole of it. No Lebanese politician spoke at the time about the catastrophe that the Cairo Agreement represented, with the sole exception of the Amid Raymond Eddé, who grasped the danger of the event and its full implications. Before the signing of the Cairo Agreement, Lebanon had treated lightly the events shaking the region, including Israel’s destruction of the Middle East Airlines fleet at Beirut airport in the final days of 1968, in retaliation for Palestinian groups’ use of the Lebanese capital’s airport to launch hijackings of aircraft bound for Israel — among them a flight between Athens and Tel Aviv. Lebanon failed to grasp what the destruction of the MEA aircraft meant. Rather than understanding the lesson, it moved toward signing the Cairo Agreement, with all that this implied in terms of opening Lebanon’s borders to Palestinian groups to launch attacks against Israel. Lebanon went still further in its accumulation of errors. Parliament elected Sleiman Frangieh, the grandfather, as President of the Republic in 1970. He was a patriotic man, but one whose political culture was very limited, particularly at the regional level. How could Sleiman Frangieh have absorbed the significance of the extremely grave events unfolding across the region — the death of Gamal Abdel Nasser and the rise of Anwar Sadat, Hafez al-Assad’s accession to power in Syria, the expulsion of Palestinian fedayeen from Jordan and their passage into Lebanon through Syrian territory? All these historic events occurred in 1970 in the absence of any Lebanese authority attuned to what was taking place in the region. Sleiman Frangieh moved from an attempt to eliminate the armed Palestinian presence in Lebanon in May 1973, to addressing the United Nations in 1974 to speak in the name of the Arabs on the question of Palestine. There was no Lebanese awareness of the significance of the consequences of the October 1973 war, nor of the divorce it produced between Egypt and Syria. Anwar Sadat was moving toward a settlement with Israel, while Hafez al-Assad was working to seize control of Lebanon and of the Palestinian decision-making process, which resided in Beirut where Yasser Arafat had made his home. Assad the father regarded an independent Palestinian decision as “heresy” and considered Lebanon nothing more than a theater of operations compensating for Syria’s loss of the Golan Heights. For the late Syrian president, control over Lebanon was far more important than recovering the Golan. Lebanon entered the civil war in 1975 without the Christians realizing they were falling into the trap that Hafez al-Assad had set for them. In 1976, Assad obtained American and Israeli authorization to lay his hands on Lebanon — and particularly on “the bases of armed Palestinians affiliated with the PLO,” in the words of American officials of the time, foremost among them Secretary of State Henry Kissinger, who believed that military intervention in Lebanon would prevent a regional confrontation that the armed Palestinian presence in a zone capable of threatening northern Israel might otherwise provoke. Lebanon has no choice but to revisit this period of its history if it wishes to preserve itself. It is more necessary than ever to learn from missed opportunities and, before that, from the errors that led to an underestimation of what Israel is capable of doing — an Israel that cannot withdraw from southern Lebanon without a price. What Lebanon is being asked to pay today is not only the cost of the last two wars — the war of support for Gaza and the war of support for Iran — which Hezbollah entered on Iranian instructions, but also the accumulated debt of decades of compounded errors. These errors span more than fifty-seven years, the age of the ill-omened Cairo Agreement and the events that preceded and paved the way for it, on Lebanese soil and in the surrounding region. The pivotal notion today is the capacity to absorb regional and international developments — a capacity that Hafez al-Assad mastered throughout his long years of rule. He mastered it to the point of transforming his military entry into Lebanon into a service rendered to the Americans and the Israelis, who once again authorized him to lay hands on the country in 1990. At that time, the Syrian army entered Baabda Palace and the Ministry of Defence at Yarze, thanks to the stupidity of Michel Aoun — a stupidity that reflects the foolishness and opportunism of a considerable portion of Lebanon’s Christians. In October 1990, Michel Aoun believed that Saddam Hussein, bogged down in the sands of Kuwait, would come to his rescue and keep him in Baabda Palace! No one in Lebanon held Michel Aoun accountable for this crime. On the contrary, Hezbollah deemed that he deserved a reward — and that reward was his elevation to the presidency of the Lebanese Republic in 2016. Much will depend, for Lebanon, on how the negotiations with Israel are conducted. These negotiations are now a reality. Israel wants a price. How can Lebanon pay it while obtaining in return the restitution of its occupied territories and the return of the displaced to their villages and towns, even if those lie in ruins? One cannot spend all these years accumulating errors and then escape the reckoning. Errors carry a price that cannot be evaded. But what matters more than the price is the lesson to be drawn from it. Has Lebanon, in 2026, learned enough from the mistakes of the past to understand that its very survival now resembles a miracle more than anything else?

Iran-U.S.: 48 Decisive Hours Amid Prospects of Peace and a Surge in Rhetoric

On the Iranian-American front, May 6 unfolded as a day of sustained rhetoric escalation and conflicting statements. These developments followed the surprise announcement by US President Donald Trump declaring the end of the offensive phase of the conflict – an operation dubbed “Project Liberty” – in the Strait of Hormuz, while maintaining a blockade on Iranian ports. A report widely cited across the media, published earlier in the day by Axios, pointed to the possibility of an imminent agreement between Tehran and Washington. It highlighted what it described as a highly consequential 48-hour window for reaching a peace deal. The report outlined key issues likely to lie at the heart of any prospective talks, including a suspension of nuclear enrichment for an as-yet undetermined number of years, in exchange for the release of Iranian funds and the lifting of sanctions. This would, in turn, be followed by the full reopening of the Strait of Hormuz. The prospect of a near-term agreement was also echoed by a Pakistani source – reportedly acting as a mediator in the conflict – in comments to Reuters. In his multiple statements throughout the day, Trump said that a deal appeared to be within reach, that enriched uranium in Iran would be exported to the United States, and that monitors would be allowed into Iranian territory. While he appears eager to secure a breakthrough on the Iranian front ahead of his trip to China next week, the US president ruled out the possibility of direct bilateral talks in the near term, given the current state of contacts. He nevertheless maintained his threatening rhetoric, saying he would bomb Iran with unprecedented intensity if no agreement is reached. Separately, a US intelligence report cited by Reuters said the Department of Homeland Security believes the war in Iran may have been a “possible motive” behind the latest assassination attempt against Trump on April 26 in Washington. On the Iranian side, signals remain equally mixed. A source at the Foreign Ministry said the US proposal was under review, according to an Iranian news agency. Later, the ministry confirmed that exchanges of proposals were continuing through Pakistan. However, earlier in the day, an Iranian MP wrote on X that the Axios report “reflects American wishes” rather than reality. Mohammad Ghalibaf, the speaker of parliament, also adopted a more confrontational tone, accusing the United States of attempting to pressure Iran into submission through economic coercion and of relying on internal divisions in anticipation of the effort’s failure. Is Ghalibaf, who has become a central figure in Iranian political life, seeking to conceal what numerous reports have suggested are deep internal divisions within a regime strained by war? On the ground, a vessel operated by French shipping company CMA CGM was struck on Wednesday by Iranian fire, a sign of rising tensions and persistent risks in the Strait. In other developments, Iranian Foreign Minister Abbas Araghchi traveled to China after visiting Russia. His remarks underscored Tehran’s emphasis on its Chinese ally. He said he had told his Chinese counterpart that Iran was “serious” about negotiations with Washington, but would accept nothing less than a “fair and comprehensive” agreement. For his part, China’s foreign minister said Beijing was “ready to help reduce tensions.” The two countries are bound by significant commercial ties, including Iranian exports of hydrocarbons to China at preferential prices. Some observers argue that China is the real strategic focus of the broader confrontation, and it is also the destination of Trump’s upcoming visit in the coming days. Lebanon-Israel: Talks Move Forward Amid Ongoing Israeli Strikes On the Lebanese front, direct negotiations are moving ahead, with reports of a possible new meeting next week between Lebanese and Israeli delegations in Washington, at the State Department. The talks would reportedly be led by former ambassador Simon Karam, likely accompanied by a military representative, in addition to Ambassador Nada Mouawad. The question of a potential meeting between Lebanese President Joseph Aoun and Israeli Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu – sought by US President Donald Trump at the White House – has not yet been decided. The Lebanese position remains unchanged, with Aoun saying such a meeting is not justified at this stage. May 6 also saw a brief easing of tensions between two key poles of power in Lebanon, President Joseph Aoun and parliament speaker Nabih Berri, who also heads the Amal Movement, an ally of Hezbollah. The first sign of this thaw was a meeting between prime minister Nawaf Salam and Berri at the parliamentary headquarters in Ain el-Tineh, Beirut. It was seen as a preliminary step toward a postponed trilateral meeting at the presidential palace in Baabda. A second sign came in remarks by Berri to the pan-Arab broadcaster Al Jazeera, in which he said relations with the presidency were “solid and important for stability.” He also stressed that any agreement with Israel would require guarantees, arguing that Tel Aviv does not respect its commitments. Nawaf Salam also addressed the issue on Tuesday during a press conference, saying the negotiations were not aimed at “normalization” but at “peace.” He emphasized the need for a full Israeli withdrawal from Lebanese territory according to a defined timeline. Asked about a possible meeting between Aoun and Netanyahu in Washington, he said such a meeting would be premature, stressing the importance of consolidating the ceasefire, which he said is being violated daily by both belligerents – Hezbollah and the Israeli army – in southern Lebanon. Another key part of the prime minister’s remarks concerned a review of Lebanon’s plan on the state monopoly of arms, in other words the disarmament of militias, particularly Hezbollah. The plan was initially adopted in August 2025 and implemented by the Lebanese army, but those efforts have been undermined since the resumption of hostilities. Salam also raised an option that has been increasingly discussed in political circles: the deployment of an “international force” in southern Lebanon, as the mandate of the United Nations Interim Force in Lebanon (UNIFIL) nears its end. Evacuation Warning in West Bekaa and Strike on Beirut’s Southern Suburbs Tensions between daily Israeli violations of the ceasefire and Hezbollah attacks continue to play out in southern Lebanon. This cycle of confrontation has persisted since the truce took effect on April 16. Two serious developments marked May 6: an evening airstrike on Beirut’s southern suburbs – the Ghobeiri area, the first since April 16 – and the inclusion of a village in West Bekaa, Zallaya, in Israeli evacuation warnings, the first such warning outside southern Lebanon. This village was subsequently targeted in strikes, with at least one fatality reported, including the municipality’s mayor, whose home was directly hit. Regarding the strike on Beirut’s southern suburbs, the Israeli military quickly issued a statement saying “the operation was carried out with the approval of Netanyahu,” and that it targeted the head of Hezbollah’s Radwan Force, Malek Ballout. Netanyahu also announced shortly afterward the target of the strike, saying it aimed to “thwart the plans” of the Hezbollah elite unit. Later, Israel’s Channel 14 reported the killing of the official and other members of the unit, all of whom were present in the targeted compound. As for the situation in southern Lebanon, it remains unchanged, with evacuation warnings affecting at least a dozen villages and continued fighting. Israeli Chief of Staff Eyal Zamir, who toured the border area, said the Israeli military was prepared to expand its operations against Hezbollah, with the aim of contributing to its dismantlement and weakening. A more unexpected development came from the Vatican. Pope Leo XIV personally called priests in Christian villages still holding out along the border area already under Israeli control. The initiative, coordinated with Apostolic Nuncio Paolo Borgia – who has visited these villages despite the risks – was described as “moving” by the priests, according to the Al-Markazia news agency. The pope reportedly reassured the clergy and encouraged them to remain patient.

Matisse, a world traversed by colour
By
Yasmina Comair
Published

At the Grand Palais, a rare exhibition of exceptional scope, bringing together more than three hundred works from international collections, explores until 26 July the final thirteen years of Henri Matisse. Far from an epilogue, it reveals a moment of intensity in which, constrained by illness, the artist entirely reinvents his language. Paintings, drawings, books, textiles, stained glass and cut gouaches compose a journey conceived as a living studio: that of a man who, at the edge of the end, chooses to open himself still further. There are exhibitions that open like doors, and then there are those that impose themselves more slowly, almost quietly, until they displace something older than the gaze itself: a manner of holding time, a dense and profound way of standing upright before it, in its slowness as in its light. At the Grand Palais, this journey devoted to Matisse stands in precisely that fragile interval where life narrows and yet the work expands. In 1941, following an operation that left him lastingly weakened, the artist came close to death. He would later speak of a “second life,” as of a stolen space where everything begins again differently — not through rupture, but through a silent intensification of the gaze. Holding the world The first rooms still carry, in undertone, the weight of the world. The war moves through the era without ever settling there openly. Yet it circulates in absences, in restraints, in the very gestures of Matisse, who remained in France and refused any direct representation of violence. In the drawings of Themes and Variations (1941–1942), the line advances like a held breath. Figures appear, fade, return elsewhere, as if form were less intent on fixing itself than on remaining alive. Nothing truly stabilises, and yet nothing is lost. This is not a withdrawal from the world, but another way of inhabiting it — slower, perhaps more fragile, yet of a rare exigency. And in this economy of near-nothingness, something already settles: a peace that rests on nothing acquired, but on a continuous attention. Light does not console Then colour opens, gently, without spectacular gesture. In The Romanian Blouse (1940), the clear ground breathes like a linen cloth exposed to open air, while the reds, blues and yellows assert themselves with an almost carnal intensity. Light softens nothing. Rather, it traverses, insists, holds. In Matisse, it is never decoration. Light is decision, almost an interior position: a way of remaining on the side of what persists. Vence, time slowed At Vence, time changes its density. In the Vence Interiors (1947–1948), including Large Red Interior (1948), colour no longer covers space: it permeates it. The red becomes matter, warmth, continuous presence. The objects — table, plant, window — are no more than points of equilibrium within a vaster vibration. One no longer truly looks at these works; one enters them. And gradually, something undoes itself within perception itself, as though the world were willing to weigh a little less than before. Cutting into light With Jazz (1943–1947) and then the cut gouaches, a shift occurs, more radical still than it first appears. In Icarus (1947), the black figure seems to float amid coloured flashes beating around it, between fall and suspension. In the Blue Nudes (1952), blue becomes density, almost solid silence, yet traversed by a surprisingly carnal presence. In The Sadness of the King (1952), forms respond to one another like slow music, each colour seeming to carry a contained emotion, never overflowing. With The Sheaf (1953), plant forms rise in an almost organic movement, as if painting were recovering an ancient sap, a thrust of life without narrative. Here, everything seems to have been brought back to the essential — not through reduction but through intensification. A habitable space The Chapel of the Rosary at Vence (1947–1951) marks a total displacement. Matisse is no longer composing works but a place. A space in which everything participates: walls, stained glass, ceramics, vestments. The lines reduce themselves to a few precise signs, almost breathed, and the colours — blue, green and yellow — are conceived to be traversed by the light of day. In the morning, they appear fresh, almost translucent. At noon, they thicken, vibrate more intensely. In the evening, they settle, as though the light itself were calming. Everything here rests on an attentiveness to the passage of time, to its finest nuances. The final gesture Towards the end of the exhibition’s journey, painting almost entirely fades away. Matisse, weakened, continues to cut coloured papers which he moves around him like a garden held in suspension. The forms are no longer painted; they are adjusted, displaced, re-tuned, as if the image were born directly from gesture and breath. Nothing appears to be a completion. Everything seems, on the contrary, to grow lighter still, until it touches a form of bare necessity. In a note from 1950, a sentence moves through this period like a quiet murmur, almost a confidence addressed to time: “I hope that however old we live to be, we shall die young.” Not in the sense of the body, but in that capacity to remain traversed, still, by what is coming. What light leaves behind What this exhibition offers to see goes far beyond the chronology of a late work. It reveals a manner of moving through time, illness and constraint without ever closing in on oneself. Faced with what narrows, Matisse responds neither with drama nor with rupture, but with an inverse movement: a continuous opening, almost instinctive, where simplification becomes intensity. The images do not impose themselves durably. They persist otherwise — as a slow, diffuse sensation that continues to work upon the gaze long after the exit. And what remains is this impression, discreet but persistent: that art, when it attains this rightness, does not hold the world back. It lets the world colour itself until it becomes luminous.

Nabil Nahas at the 61st Venice Biennale, a Monumental Body of Work

Nabil Nahas, a leading figure in Lebanese-American contemporary art, is currently at the center of the international art scene. He has been officially selected to represent Lebanon at the upcoming Venice Biennale, which will take place from May 9 to November 22, 2026. Nabil Nahas occupies a singular position within the contemporary art landscape. He is one of the few artists to have achieved a distinctive synthesis between radical American abstraction and an Eastern sensibility deeply rooted in nature and spirituality. The exhibition, titled Don’t Get Me Wrong , is curated by Nada Ghandour, curator and commissioner, in collaboration with the Lebanese Visual Art Association (LVAA). It will take place at the Arsenale (Sala d’Armi), one of the most prestigious venues of the Venice Biennale. With this exhibition, Nabil Nahas offers a monumental experience that redefines the relationship between the viewer and the painting. The Artist’s Journey Nabil Nahas was born in Beirut in 1949. He spent his first ten years in Cairo, where he absorbed the majesty of Egyptian landscapes and the rigor of Islamic art. In 1973, he earned his MFA (Master of Fine Arts) from Yale University in the United States, where he encountered major figures of the art world and immersed himself in Abstract Expressionism. He then settled in New York and quickly became known as a “master of color and texture.” After the civil war, his return to Lebanon marked a turning point in his practice. He began painting cedars, olive trees, and pines – not as simple landscapes, but as symbols of resilience. Nabil Nahas’ Style His style is marked by a dual influence: American Abstract Expressionism and a Mediterranean heritage. What distinguishes Nahas from his contemporaries is his extreme materiality. Nabil Nahas’s work draws on the complex geometries of the natural world (starfish, cedars, marine motifs) as well as Islamic art. He often uses pumice powder or volcanic rock mixed with paint to create rough, almost organic textures, transforming the canvas into a sculptural object resembling a lunar surface or a coral reef. Untitled, acrylic and pumice on canvas. (Dalloul Art Foundation) Starfish: One of his most well-known innovations consists in fixing real starfish (or casts) onto the canvas, then covering them with successive layers of paint, creating an organic relief that challenges the traditional flatness of painting. The concept of fractals: Inspired by mathematician Benoît Mandelbrot, Nahas explores the concept of fractals, according to which the apparent chaos of nature contains its own geometric order. Like nature itself, his canvases appear capable of multiplying infinitely, without center or boundary. International Recognition Nabil Nahas is not only a “Lebanese painter,” but an established figure on the global art scene. His works are held in major international museums, including the Metropolitan Museum of Art (New York), the Tate Modern (London), the British Museum, and the Guggenheim Abu Dhabi. In 2013, he received the National Order of the Cedar, a distinction rarely granted to visual artists in Lebanon, highlighting his role as a cultural ambassador. His works are also highly sought after on the auction market (Sotheby’s, Christie’s), achieving record prices exceeding 240,000 dollars for his most monumental pieces. The Exhibition “Don’t Get Me Wrong” The exhibition is conceived as a total immersive work. It was specifically designed for the Arsenale space at the Venice Biennale. Its scale is monumental. It consists of 26 acrylic-on-canvas panels, extending over an impressive length of 45 linear meters and reaching a height of 3 meters. The canvases are raised two meters above the ground, compelling visitors to look upward, recalling the way Renaissance church frescoes are traditionally contemplated. In this exhibition, Nahas adopts the concept of fractals, inviting a meditative wandering in which forms appear to multiply infinitely. Nada Ghandour, who is presenting her third curatorial direction of the Lebanese Pavilion, describes Nahas’ work as a reflection of Lebanese identity, which she characterizes as a “polyphonic choir” and compares to a weaving of multiple threads (history, spirituality, nature) through which he seeks to express Lebanon through its cultural complexity. For Ghandour, Nahas’ practice is a combination of art, culture, and spirituality, both symbolic and philosophical. In a world where art is often divided between conceptual (intellectual) art and decorative art, Nahas proposes a third path: an abstraction with a soul. He demonstrates that it is possible to belong to the “New York School” while remaining deeply connected to Mediterranean world. At the 2026 Venice Biennale, his presence symbolizes the strength and creativity of a Lebanon that, despite ongoing crises, continues to address the world through a complex sense of beauty and a universal poetic vision.