Artículos

But “who are these Zulus, who are these remarkable people who inflict defeats on our generals , who convert our bishops ...?” This exclamation by Disraeli, the British Prime Minister, could be echoed by the European nations that, with winter approaching, fear the closure of Bab el-Mandeb! Let us recall that in January 1879 , when the British Empire under Victoria had achieved global supremacy, its troops were being massacred in South Africa by primitive tribes. European imperialism took a blow, the British cabinet could not get over it, and Western nations could quietly laugh at the misadventure that tarnished the luster of Her Gracious Majesty!

The Israeli prime minister returned from New York disappointed. Only a handful of delegations listened to him, and his speech contained no language suggesting any effort to make peace in the Middle East. He addressed only those whose votes he hopes to secure in the next Knesset elections in order to remain in power. By contrast, the Palestinians achieved a clear political and diplomatic success on this international stage despite their weakness, the siege and the continuing pressure. We therefore witnessed a wave of frenzy in the West Bank, as the olive harvest season coincided with the limited Palestinian achievement secured during the 81st session of the United Nations General Assembly.

For Russia (in the Black Sea), Ukraine, Iran, China, and Japan, what role does the sea play in their overall strategy? Total or partial control, local or broad? Maritime power? Naval power? Jean-Patrick Dayras, Rear Admiral (ret.) Russia is unquestionably a maritime power. It has a substantial combat fleet, including frigates and corvettes, submarines, and anti-ship missiles. It also has a significant amphibious force. It controls the port of Sevastopol. In theory, it is also a naval power, given the number of its vessels and the diversity of their operational capabilities. But it has no drones. With a clear advantage in tonnage, the Russian navy enjoys overwhelming conventional naval dominance.

This fourth and final article in the series examines Turkey’s strategic role in the Mecca Pact, with a focus on the strength of its military industries. It also outlines the specific motivations of Saudi Arabia (strategic autonomy), Turkey (expanding its influence), and Pakistan (economic support). Turkey has officially stated that it strongly condemns Houthi attacks on Saudi Arabia, affirming its unwavering support for the Kingdom. At the same time, it is using its geopolitical clout to ease tensions between Iran and Saudi Arabia, and between Iran and Iraq, from where the drones that targeted Saudi Arabia’s East-West pipeline were launched. Finally, Ankara is seeking to persuade Tehran, with which it has significant economic ties, to pressure the Houthis to stop firing on Saudi territory.

Although the major European leaders did not accept the French President’s invitation to attend the Pope’s speech on Europe in Metz, I would say that the trip was addressed to the whole of Europe, or to Europeans. On his return to the Vatican, Leo XIV spoke of the rise of far-right groups in Germany and, more broadly, of the extreme forms that growing discontent is taking in Europe and around the world. He noted, in particular, the emergence of expressions combining such political positions with a certain form of religiosity which, in the judgment not only of himself but also of the leaders of the Catholic and Protestant Churches in Germany, “is not an authentic expression of Christianity.” Once again, he said, we must return to “the values of the Gospel.” Pope Leo did not need to travel to France to speak out against the extreme forms that growing European discontent is taking; he had already done so. But the trip did take place, and it was significant, first and foremost, for this reason: “the values of the Gospel.”

The hardest part has just begun for Iraq, where the United States, together with its international coalition partners, completed a full withdrawal from the country on Wednesday, pursuant to a decision agreed with Baghdad in September 2024 under the administration of U.S. President Joe Biden. During its twelve years in Iraq, the Washington-led coalition trained Iraqi forces to work alongside the political authorities to protect the country from Iranian and jihadist ambitions. Although it enjoys Washington’s unwavering support, Ali al-Zaidi’s government is entering a period of great uncertainty, given the major challenges standing in the way of its goal of restoring full sovereignty.