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Massive explosion caused by an Israeli strike near the town of Al-Mansouri in southern Lebanon. (AFP)
Weekly essentials
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By LevantTime .
Published Sep 6, 2026 - 23:27
While the United States had appeared to be relying solely on economic warfare against Iran, the US military abruptly carried out strikes on Iranian territory on Tuesday in retaliation for attacks targeting oil tankers, setting off a spiral of violence over the course of the week. In Lebanon, Israel released several civilians held in its prisons, while its army seized the strategic Ali el-Taher hill and continued its heavy strikes in the area it controls in the south of the country. The week from August 31 to September 6 was marked by a sharp acceleration of events in the Middle East, after the previous one had seemed defined by relative stagnation. On the Iranian front, the US military carried out targeted strikes inside Iranian territory as early as Tuesday evening, the first in nearly a month. This screen grab, made on September 6, 2026 from undated video footage released the same day by US Central Command, shows what CENTCOM says is one of the Iranian oil tankers it destroyed in response to attempted missile attacks on naval vessels. (CENTCOM via AFP) However, the relatively limited pace of the strikes suggests that the US administration has opted for an escalation that remains controlled, while continuing its blockade and economic pressure on Tehran. Even so, tensions continued to rise throughout the week. Explosions were heard on Saturday on the highly strategic island of Kharg, through which most of Iran’s oil exports pass. US President Donald Trump, for his part, threatened to strike the Kuh-e Kolang nuclear site — “Pickaxe Mountain” in Persian — a heavily fortified facility located deep underground, not far from Natanz, Iran’s main uranium-enrichment site. Earlier in the week, he had enshrined the “tanker for tanker” equation, pledging to target an Iranian vessel every time the Islamic Revolutionary Guard Corps struck an oil tanker in the Strait of Hormuz. That is precisely what the US military did on Saturday, setting two Iranian vessels ablaze. Politically, Donald Trump further hardened his tone toward Tehran. After saying in an interview that talks had been permanently frozen “because an agreement with them is not worth the paper it is written on,” he said on Saturday that the “conflict” with Iran was not a “war,” but “something ordinary” for the United States. A way of rattling the Iranians while at the same time reassuring the US public ahead of the midterm elections. A port, along with storage facilities and warehouses, was damaged following a US military strike carried out on September 6, 2026 in Iran’s southern Hormozgan province, which borders the Strait of Hormuz. (AFP) At the same time, the US news outlet Axios published a report on Saturday suggesting that the United States is already looking beyond this conflict, which began on February 28. Citing US officials and other informed sources, the outlet said the Trump administration is developing a broader strategy for the post-war Middle East. According to the report, it would be based on creating a regional alignment aimed at containing Iran, bringing an end to the regional fallout from Hamas’s October 7, 2023 attacks in Gaza, and expanding the circle of normalization between Israel and countries in the region. The threat against Kuh-e Kolang, which brings the Iranian nuclear issue back to the fore, echoes an announcement by the International Atomic Energy Agency (IAEA), which said on September 1 that Iran had still not reopened its sites to inspectors following the strikes of May 2025. It should be recalled that despite the scale of the Israeli-American offensive against Iranian sites, it is almost certain that the stockpile of enriched uranium remains intact and has been moved to a safe location by the Iranian authorities, which remain committed to what they consider their right to develop a nuclear program. Following the IAEA announcement, the United States, together with France, Britain and Germany, said they intended to submit a resolution to the UN Security Council condemning Iran’s failure to comply with its non-proliferation commitments. This display of unity stands in contrast to the chill that has prevailed between Washington and its European allies since the beginning of the conflict. For their part, the Iranians appear to be responding to the upheaval in much the same way as before: by striking neighboring countries, notably Kuwait, the United Arab Emirates and Jordan, without directly targeting Israel. Heavy strikes in southern Lebanon On the Lebanese front, Israel is intensifying its destruction operations in villages in the south, even using explosive barrels in some cases. Lebanese President Joseph Aoun urged Washington and the international community to “put an end” to Israeli attacks on Lebanese territory, which killed seven people on Sunday against the backdrop of a fragile truce. The strikes hit several localities in the Nabatiyeh region. Twenty people were also wounded, including children, according to the Health Ministry. One strike also destroyed the former Ghandour hospital, which had been out of service for years. Release of detainees and capture of Ali el-Taher But the major event of the week in the south was the Israeli capture of the strategic Ali el-Taher hill in the Nabatiyeh region. The site served as a major Hezbollah headquarters, consisting of an extensive network of tunnels from which fighters from the Shiite party operated, along with, according to some reports, Iranian fighters. On Thursday evening, the Israelis announced that they had taken control of the complex. On Sunday, Israeli Defense Minister Israel Katz said that tunnels still had to be blown up. This military “success” may not have come as a surprise after weeks of bombardment, but Hezbollah’s reaction was more unexpected. After long insisting that it would refuse to give up this strategic hill — as had the Iranians, who had also threatened to intervene — the Shiite party ultimately sought to play down the significance of the development through its media outlets and allied networks, without officially confirming the loss of the site, which it had refused to preserve by handing it over to the Lebanese army. The other major surprise of the week was Israel’s release of five Lebanese and Syrian civilians held in its prisons. The move came following a visit to Tel Aviv by US Ambassador to Lebanon Michel Issa. According to the Israeli prime minister’s office, Thursday’s announcement “follows efforts by Israel and Lebanon to locate and repatriate the remains of leaders of the Jewish community who had been abducted and killed in Lebanon” between 1984 and 1986. Here too, Hezbollah’s reaction raises questions. While describing the move as positive but insufficient, the party once again turned on the Lebanese authorities, accusing them of “submission to the enemy” and holding them “responsible” for the disaster in the south. It even warned them against “internal conflicts.” Could the party’s military setbacks push it to turn increasingly toward the domestic front? Finally, the Israeli army made an important statement on Sunday, saying it was considering reducing its occupation zone in southern Lebanon, moving from the current “yellow zone” to a “grey zone.” Such a development would, according to this assessment, reflect a reduced threat from Hezbollah. The measure has not yet been approved by Israel’s political leadership. Yemen and Palestine The week was also particularly tense in Yemen, where clashes between Houthi rebels and government forces continued to intensify, culminating in an especially deadly Saturday in which more than 60 people were killed in a single day, bringing the death toll since Thursday to around 200. The Houthi offensive is aimed in particular at taking control of areas bordering the Bab el-Mandeb passage, which would give this Iranian ally additional leverage over another major strategic chokepoint after the Strait of Hormuz. In Palestine, particularly troubling comments by Israel Katz on Gaza marked the week. He claimed, without providing evidence, that most of the territory’s residents wanted to leave, stressing that Israel was “ready for such an evacuation” on a mass scale. A sign that the ordeal of Gaza’s residents may be far from over. Finally, it is worth noting that the IAEA announced on September 1 that facilities discovered in Deir el-Zor, Syria, indicate that Bashar al-Assad’s former regime had secretly been preparing an advanced nuclear program that could have led to the production of an atomic weapon with the help of North Korean experts.
Homage
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By Michel Hajji Georgiou - Published Sep 6, 2026 - 13:31
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The Argentine player, who brought his international career to an end on August 31, 2026, was nothing less than a magician of the stadiums. His journey, made of wonders, falls and redemption, may tell us something about our undiminished need for enchantment in a world that nevertheless claims to have rid itself of it. Announced a few weeks after the 2026 World Cup final lost to Spain, Lionel Messi’s international retirement inevitably stirred an emotion for which it is difficult to find many equivalents in the recent history of football. One would probably have to go back to Maradona, or perhaps to Cruyff or Pelé, to recover that sense that, with the retirement of a player, something disappears that extends far beyond the sport itself, as though a certain way of inhabiting football, perhaps even of believing in it, were also coming to an end. Far from the glacis of reason Enough of the endless statistics and the unbearable, tedious and sterile quarrels over “who is the greatest of all time.” The author of these lines has never been a fanatic of the round ball, nor, for that matter, of vertical rankings or hierarchies of merit in general, and consequently appreciates the talent of each player with the same sense of wonder as an eleven-year-old child. Besides, this particularly contemporary obsession with numbers ruins all the pleasure of the spectacle. And with good reason: the approach that consists in adding up goals, assists, Ballons d’Or, Champions Leagues, Copa América titles, World Cups… can only be reductive. On another register, it is not entirely unrelated to German-American philosopher Eric Voegelin’s critique of the modern Gnostic temptation: that of a form of knowledge convinced that it can imprison reality within a system and abolish whatever resists it. Records are probably one indicator of Lionel Messi’s genius. Yet so many other great players who made stadiums and hearts tremble, without achieving half of what he did, nevertheless remain eternal in our memories. What made them truly singular lies elsewhere, far from the glacis of reason. Something else was at work around them. Something belonging to a certain profound sense of transcendence that understanding can never fully grasp. This has been true of Lionel Messi for more than twenty years, since the day when, under the gaze of the “icon” Diego Maradona, he made his first appearance, in June 2006, on the World Cup stage in the colors of the Albiceleste against Serbia and Montenegro. That ineffable element that constitutes Messi’s genius, as it does that of others, may indeed touch upon one of modernity’s strangest paradoxes: the persistence of magic in a world that has constructed itself precisely against it. The disenchanted world Max Weber used the expression “disenchantment of the world” to describe the slow process by which Western modernity gradually subjected existence to rationalization, calculation, predictability and causal explanation. The world was no longer supposed to be traversed by obscure powers, signs, supernatural interventions or invisible wills; it was, at least in principle, to become intelligible. Unfortunately, modern sport, and more broadly the modern world inherited from globalization, fits perfectly within this dynamic. Today’s football, and not football alone, is probably one of the most quantified objects imaginable. The slightest gesture is measured, and everything is carefully calculated and modeled. From mathematics to artificial intelligence, raw talent now depends more on science than on enchantment. What is human in its spontaneous, even wild, relationship with the invisible that springs from the heart is disappearing before our eyes, in favor of the squaring of the VAR circle. It is, in a sense, the murder of sport in the name of greater rigor and fairness… even though the euthanasia of this share of sublime spontaneity ultimately produces glaring injustices of its own. One need only revisit some of the controversial decisions of the 2026 World Cup to see it. Paradox of paradoxes, Lionel Messi was himself, at the outset, a child of this technical modernity, to which he certainly owes part of his exceptional career. His body, too small by expected standards, was corrected through hormone treatment. Identified very early, his talent was taken in hand by an institution that organized his training, nutrition, physical development and integration into an already globalized sporting machine. Nothing, in appearance, could have been further removed from the old heroic narrative. At first sight, the story seems closer to dystopias in the vein of Gattaca than to myths and messianic narratives. And yet the old narrative did indeed return, and with an almost embarrassing insistence. Since the beginning of his career, Lionel Messi has been placed under the microscope. But the more people labored to explain and demystify him, the less they succeeded in entirely dissipating the impression produced by some of his gestures. The man simply cannot be circumscribed and reduced to an accumulation of data. At an age when most great players retreat into the shadows, he continues to surprise. To astonish, even, by bringing to sport that element of the senseless which escapes the quasi-robotic hypersystematization of the world. It is probably there that one must seek this elsewhere that characterizes Messi. In the survival of magic at a time when even the spaces that once allowed the positive expression of a humanity made of flesh and blood are gradually being “disciplined” by the hypnotic attraction of a new puritanical Gnosis in the name of modernity. The Messiah made by the machine Although he emerged, in a sense, from the machinery of the Matrix, Lionel Messi constitutes in himself a challenge to this ready-to-wear model. A kind of alter ego of Neo from The Matrix, thrown into a simulation governed by parameters that claim to calculate everything. The Argentine’s destiny gradually took on, almost despite himself, the form of a messianic narrative. The pun on his name would be too easy had it not been ceaselessly revived by his own story: that of the fragile child whose body seemed intent on denying him the fulfillment to which his talent destined him. Then that of exile at a very young age to Barcelona, adoption by a foreign city, an almost unreal ascent, worldwide recognition, followed by this strange difficulty in being recognized by his own… For a long time, Argentina maintained a relationship of hainamoration with its prodigal child. His results, his talent, his brilliance mattered little… he still had to answer one merciless question: why wasn’t he Maradona? The comparison was admittedly inevitable, but it was also profoundly unfair. Everything separated the two men in their way of being in the world. Maradona carried Argentina with everything in it that was passionate, contradictory, excessive and theatrical. He spoke, provoked, fought, fell, returned, mingled football with his private life, his anger, his political commitments… all the way to his own destruction. His very body seemed to become one of the places where the contradictions of his country were played out. Maradona was the very incarnation of what the world expected from football: a rebellious soul, sometimes pushing the game to the point of immorality, but within a kind of footballing gigantomachy. Maradona was epic. And, above all, he had placed his country at the summit of world football in 1986. Messi offered none of that. He was silent, at times almost absent from the story others were constructing around him, an absence long interpreted as a flaw. Almost erased, devoid of personality. That, moreover, was what the two giants Maradona and Pelé reproached him for: a lack of leadership, being too smooth. A kind of miracle test-tube baby of the stadiums. The boy from Rosario was also criticized for not singing the anthem loudly enough, for not being Argentine enough, for having been “manufactured” by Barcelona, and then, naturally, for failing to win with the national team what he won almost continuously with his club. The unfulfilled prophecy The dramatic loss to Germany in the 2014 World Cup final, followed by the Copa América finals of 2015 and 2016, had gradually transformed that suspicion into an accusation. When he missed his penalty against Chile in 2016 and subsequently announced that he was leaving the national team, he was nevertheless already one of the greatest players in football history. Yet his story remained strangely unfinished. The sense of incompletion had little to do with his honors. It concerned instead that quasi-archaic necessity continually imposed upon modern heroes: to bring their initiatory journey to completion. In Argentina’s colors, Messi shone, then fell heavily. But he did not rise again. He did not fulfill the prophecy. And, in the eyes of his people, this reinforced the sense of hainamoration: a fallen god remains a god, after all. But with the added burden of what his worshippers regard as an intolerable substratum of humanity and, therefore, something perfectly detestable: his flaws, his weaknesses. Argentines loved Maradona despite his spectacular downfall and his fallible humanity. But that was because he had “earned” the right to such a downfall, because it had somehow become acceptable after Mexico 1986. Messi, by contrast, did not yet have the right to fall, because he had not yet reached the summit. No, the prophecy had not been fulfilled. It was even becoming a caricature. So Messi returned. But he still had to wait for his redemption. It took the 2021 Copa América at the Maracanã for this relationship of suspicion, expectation and disappointment with his public and his people truly to begin changing. And above all it took the 2022 World Cup for the story to acquire that almost excessively perfect form that no one would have dared write without appearing to indulge in a screenwriter’s contrivance. Strangely, Maradona had died in 2020. It was as though a kind of oppressive national curse had been lifted. At the same time, the Argentine people needed a substitute father figure, and the pressure was thereby only redoubled. But perhaps mixed with a little tenderness this time? What happened in Qatar in 2022 is all the more interesting because Messi himself appeared slightly different. He protested more, answered provocations, lost his temper, spoke with a violence of which few had thought him capable, and even let slip that now famous “¿Qué mirás, bobo?” at the Dutch, to Argentina’s amusement. Buenos Aires finally discovered, belatedly, what it had always expected from him. A little Maradona in a great deal of Messi. But Messi did not become Maradona. And perhaps that was precisely where the true reconciliation occurred: Argentina stopped asking him to be. From 2022 onward, Messi no longer needed to embody another model of national genius. For his country too, he could finally become what he had already been everywhere else: Messi. Simply. The final act of the prophecy Granted, the triumph of 2022 could have constituted a perfect ending. But, as with Maradona, the final act of heroic prophecy is the fall. No one really expected anything extraordinary from Messi anymore in 2026. At 39, he was widely regarded as one of the “tired heroes.” The fall from the Capitol had come with the bitter episode of his departure from FC Barcelona and his misadventure at PSG. He was now playing only in the American league, in Miami’s colors… on the periphery of the footballing world, in the distant lands of soccer. And the new generation was already there, ready to send its ancestors off to Bicêtre. Yet this 2026 World Cup, which seemed destined to be nothing more than an epilogue, turned into one last sensational blaze of glory. Argentina reached the final once again, with Messi, at 39, restored as its “historic leader” and its recourse in decisive moments, achieving something not unlike what Roberto Baggio had done for Italy in 1994, at… 27: a perpetual deus ex machina. Baggio failed at the gates of triumph against Brazil after practically carrying Italy all the way to Pasadena. His penalty, sent over the crossbar, would leave behind one of the cruelest images in World Cup history: a man standing motionless, head bowed, hands on his hips, while Brazil celebrated its victory. The man who had “died standing.” The Italian imp never knew apotheosis. Yet this symbolic death, far from erasing his tournament, eventually became part of his legend. History was kinder to Messi, despite a campaign of hatred directed at him, mixed with accusations of cheating and favoritism, against a backdrop of controversial refereeing decisions and acts of unsporting conduct by his team, just as it had once been with Maradona. Kinder still, in fact. A final in a sixth World Cup on the verge of retirement, capped by an outstanding individual performance? That is precisely where the magic of the Messi phenomenon lies, and where it defies reason and its avalanche of statistics. Genius cannot be imprisoned within a sum of parameters and variables. Even optimal physical condition cannot by itself explain what the entire world witnessed. And what does it matter if his story reminds us that the hero, however mythical, cannot abolish the sinister influence of Saturn. The re-enchantment of the world For beyond the prophecy fulfilled, from ascent to fall, with its share of happiness and misfortune, the Argentine offered the world one final lap that belongs to art, if not to a form of Homeric poetry. With Lionel Messi’s withdrawal from the international stage, a little of the world’s magic disappears… until another providential hero returns to enchant the stadiums. For more than twenty years, Messi embodied the coexistence of two worlds we had thought incompatible: that of the extreme rationalization of modern sport and that, far older, of the hero, the sign, expectation and enchantment. When Messi leaves, something of this contradiction suddenly becomes visible. Other prodigies have already emerged, but perhaps, at the very moment when one of its last great representatives leaves the stage, we discover just how much we continue to need transcendence. The modern world has therefore probably not abolished enchantment. It has merely displaced it. For ninety minutes at a time, this man called Lionel Messi, who embodied it on football pitches, now leaves after having accomplished everything. And even more.
Analyze

Have We Become Stupider?

Or Are We Experiencing a Transformation in the Structure of Knowledge?
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By Mona Fayad - Published Sep 5, 2026 - 20:01
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The question “Has the world become stupider?” frequently returns in contemporary debates about digital media, search engines, and social networks. On the surface, it seems simple. Yet behind it lies a deeper issue concerning the very nature of knowledge: how it is produced, how it is transmitted, and how it is consumed. Perhaps “Have we become stupider?” is not the most accurate question. A better one might be: Is knowledge still being transmitted in a way that allows it to be understood and made productive? Do most readers still go back to the original texts? Or do they turn instead to summaries and to what is said about those texts through material circulating among readers? One key to understanding this phenomenon lies in the work of British psychologist Frederic Bartlett, who conducted a series of experiments in the 1930s on what he called “serial reproduction.” In these experiments, one person would be asked to hear a story and then retell it to someone else, who would in turn retell it to a third person, and so on. The results were striking: with each new transmission, the story was not conveyed as it had originally been told, but was reformulated. Some details were omitted, others were exaggerated, and still others were replaced by elements that better suited the recipient’s background, experience, and culture. By the time the chain had passed through enough people, the original story had become something entirely different. This simple model reveals a fundamental truth: memory is not a neutral container, but a mechanism of reconstruction. When knowledge passes through multiple intermediaries, it is not “preserved” but “reproduced.” Here we begin to see the resemblance to our contemporary world, and with it the fear that we may be becoming stupider. In the age of digital media, knowledge no longer travels through oral transmission, but through chains of mediation: an article is summarized, then quoted, then reposted as a short post, before being further reduced to a sentence or a headline. In this context, we might borrow a metaphor that appeared in a journalistic text: a library whose books are gradually replaced by summaries, then by summaries of summaries, until the reader is left facing layer upon layer of reduction. We might call this the “raccoon chain”: the raccoon does not read the original, but rummages through what remains of it. It is worth clarifying that the choice of the “raccoon” is not arbitrary. The metaphor symbolically condenses a cognitive condition that is becoming increasingly entrenched. This animal, which lives on the fringes of cities and rummages through garbage bins, does not produce its own food but feeds on the leftovers of what others have produced. Despite its practical intelligence and its ability to pry things apart, pick through them, and seize what is useful, it does not understand what lies before it. It treats things simply as material available for immediate use. This is what knowledge begins to look like in an age of serial reduction: texts are shortened, then shortened again, until all that remains are scraps of meaning, rearranged and circulated without any genuine connection to their source. At that point, we have not merely moved away from the original. We have entered a new phase in the production of information or knowledge, in which the cognitive actor is no longer a reader or a thinker, but a collector of fragments of meaning who redistributes them in forms designed for rapid consumption. “Raccoon culture,” then, is not merely a description of superficiality. It is an accurate description of the degradation of the knowledge chain itself: from creation to summary, from understanding to formal processing, from ideas to something resembling only their faded trace. Yet this phenomenon cannot be understood apart from the technological structure that governs it. Here Marshall McLuhan becomes relevant, with his famous formulation: “The medium is the message.” The problem lies not only in content, but also in the form through which that content is transmitted. Contemporary digital media do not simply convey information. They reshape it according to the logic of speed, condensation, and fragmentation. Long texts become unsuitable for consumption, while an idea becomes acceptable only if it can be compressed into a few shareable lines. This transformation produces a striking paradox: we live in a time when access to knowledge is no longer difficult. It is excessively easy. And with that excessive ease comes what might be called a “cognitive illusion”: reading a brief passage or a quick summary can be enough to make a person feel that they have grasped an idea. Yet this feeling of possession is not necessarily accompanied by deep understanding, or by the ability to reconstruct or critique that knowledge. This is where we encounter what might be called the “semi-educated”: people who possess the signs of knowledge but not its structure, its vocabulary but not its internal logic. The problem becomes even more complex when viewed through the lens of attention. Instead of remaining in a state of sustained concentration, as in traditional reading or prolonged reflection, the mind now exists under continuous informational bombardment: notifications, clips, headlines, and successive waves of content. This does not merely fragment attention. It reshapes it according to a logic of constant jumping between short units of meaning, rather than the gradual and cumulative construction of an idea. I am reminded here of a joke that we used to tell and that was widely circulated during the days of popular demonstrations. It vividly illustrates the process of reduction and reshaping of content. After the occupation of Palestine, many popular demonstrations took to the streets chanting, “Down with the Balfour Declaration!” The joke was that by the end of the demonstration, the slogan had become, in Arabic, “Let one fall from above,” a completely different phrase that retained something of the original slogan’s rhythm and sound. This image may help bring us closer to what happens in everyday language when knowledge is transformed into short messages that are collectively repeated. A demonstration begins with a precise political slogan. Through repetition, collective immersion, and sonic rhythm, it gradually turns into a completely different formula. The new version may preserve the rhythm and emotional charge of the original, while losing its meaning and original significance. What remains is no longer the meaning, but the emotional energy of the phrase. Here, in another form, we encounter what Bartlett observed: what matters is not merely what was said, but how it was retold and how it was reinterpreted within a changing social context. If we bring these strands together, we might say that what we are experiencing today is not so much a “collapse of intelligence” as a transformation in the conditions under which intelligence operates. The human mind has not changed radically, but the environment in which it functions has changed profoundly: from an environment that allowed slow accumulation to one that imposes the rapid and fragmented reproduction of knowledge. This transformation creates a permanent tension between two kinds of thinking: reflective thought, which requires time, and rapid thought, which demands an immediate response. Seen in this light, the question “Have we become stupider?” is partly misleading. It may be more accurate to say that we are increasingly exposed to conditions that make deep thinking less stable, or less possible, and knowledge more vulnerable to fragmentation and recycling. As for stupidity, if the term can be used, it may not be a quality of the mind at all, but rather a side effect and a characteristic of the cultural structure that has emerged. It is a technology that reshapes our relationship with the world. Thus, rather than seeing this as a decline in human capacities, we might understand it as a transformation in the “knowledge environment”: an environment in which it has become easy to know something, but harder to truly understand it in depth.
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USA-Iran: Two Weeks to Hammer Out a Peace Agreement

After more than five weeks of war, Washington and Tehran have agreed on a two-week ceasefire in exchange for a reopening of the Strait of Hormuz, just over an hour before the expiration of Donald Trump's ultimatum threatening to destroy the Islamic Republic. Tehran indicated at dawn on Wednesday that talks would take place starting Friday with Washington. These discussions will be held in Pakistan, a key mediator in the Middle East war. Israel has accepted the ceasefire with Iran, according to a White House official speaking on condition of anonymity. "Following discussions with Prime Minister Shehbaz Sharif and Marshal Asim Munir of Pakistan, during which they asked me to suspend the military intervention planned for tonight against Iran, and provided that the Islamic Republic of Iran accepts the TOTAL, IMMEDIATE and SECURE OPENING of the Strait of Hormuz, I agree to suspend bombings and attacks against Iran for a period of two weeks," the American president wrote on his Truth Social platform. The latest in a series of ultimatums issued by Donald Trump to Iran and repeatedly pushed back, gave Tehran until 8:00 PM Washington time (midnight GMT) to reopen the strategic maritime passage, through which 20% of the world's crude oil passed before the war. "This will be a reciprocal CEASEFIRE!" added Mr. Trump, according to whom the United States "has already achieved and surpassed all our military objectives" since the launch of American-Israeli strikes on February 28. He also reported "very advanced" discussions towards a "long-term" peace agreement with Iran. Tehran submitted "a 10-point proposal" which "constitutes a viable basis for negotiation." The White House spokesperson stated the United States is considering "in-person discussions" with Iran, "but nothing is final until the President or the White House announces it," added Karoline Leavitt. Iranian ten-point plan For their part, Iranian leaders confirmed that they agreed to reopen the Strait of Hormuz "for a period of two weeks" "if attacks against Iran cease," Iranian Foreign Minister Abbas Araghchi wrote on X. "It has been decided at the highest level that Iran will engage, for a period of two weeks (...), in negotiations with the American side in Islamabad," the Supreme National Security Council added in a statement. "It is specified that this does not mean the end of the war, and that Iran will only accept the cessation of hostilities when" negotiations have concluded, he added, stressing that these two weeks could be extended "by agreement of both parties." According to Iranian media, the ten-point plan submitted to the United States provides for Washington to accept the continuation of Tehran's uranium enrichment program and the lifting of all sanctions. The plan, published by the Supreme National Security Council, includes "the principle of non-agression, continued Iranian control of the Strait of Hormuz, acceptance of enrichment, the lifting of all primary sanctions, and the lifting of all secondary sanctions," Iranian state television and Mehr agency reported. Iran also demands the cessation of resolutions against the Islamic Republic voted by the UN Security Council and by the Board of Governors of the International Atomic Energy Agency (IAEA), the payment of compensation to Iran, the withdrawal of American military forces from the region, and the cessation of fighting on all fronts, including that of southern Lebanon, where Hezbollah has drawn the country into the war against Israel. Ceasefire applies to Lebanon Pakistani Prime Minister Shehbaz Sharif welcomed the results obtained following his country's mediation, which is on good terms with all parties: "I am pleased to announce that the Islamic Republic of Iran and the United States, as well as their allies, have agreed to an immediate ceasefire everywhere, including in Lebanon and elsewhere, WITH IMMEDIATE EFFECT," Mr. Sharif wrote on X, using capital letters at the end of his message. The Pakistani capital, Islamabad, will host delegations from both countries on Friday for negotiations aimed at reaching a "definitive agreement," he added. Pakistan has emerged in recent weeks as a mediator between Tehran and Washington, seeking to prevent a further escalation of the conflict in the Middle East. Mr. Sharif is notably one of the members of the "Peace Council" established a few months ago by Donald Trump. Shortly before the announcement by the Pakistani Prime Minister, an Israeli strike killed eight and wounded 22 in a cafe on the waterfront in Sidon. (Mahmoud Zayyat/AFP) Shortly before the announcement by the Pakistani Prime Minister, an Israeli strike killed eight and wounded 22 in the Lebanese city of Sidon, the Lebanese Ministry of Health announced on Wednesday. For its part, the Israeli army reported three volleys of missiles fired by Iran towards its territory, moments after President Trump's announcement. Oil plunges, stock markets soar The announcement of the agreement was extremely well received in the markets: oil prices quickly dropped by more than 15%, falling below $100 per barrel, even approaching $90, and the Tokyo and Seoul stock exchanges soared by 4% and 6% respectively at the opening.

War in Iran: race against time between negotiations and escalation

The deadline given by US President Donald Trump to the Iranian Revolutionary Guards to restore free maritime navigation in the Strait of Hormuz expires today, Tuesday, at 8 PM Washington time (overnight, Middle East time). Failing that, President Trump could give his green light to a very large-scale strike against Iran. Late Tuesday afternoon (Beirut time), heavy suspense reigned in all the capitals of the region regarding the course events might take. An agreement could be reached in the final fifteen minutes, especially since throughout the day on Tuesday, April 7, the White House kept the door open for a resumption of negotiations, but it was unclear whether the Iranians had softened their position. Around midday (Levant time), the US president used even stronger terms, stating that what could happen in the event of escalation « could wipe out an entire civilization ». According to CNN, Iranian negotiators rejected the proposal for a simple ceasefire, making a counter-proposal to the Americans for a lasting peace, which Trump considered « a step forward but not enough ». At the same time, Iran’s ambassador in Islamabad stated that negotiations have reached a « critical and delicate » point. Parallel to Donald Trump's threats, the Revolutionary Guards are not lowering their tone, considering his remarks « baseless » and assuring that they continue the fight. In this context, late Monday night, the regime called on the country's youth to form « human chains » around threatened energy plants… apparently not hesitating to expose adolescents and young people to death to accuse their enemy of crimes against humanity. Furthermore, Iran's ambassador to Kuwait called on Gulf countries to do everything to avoid a « tragedy in the region ». Military operations On the ground, bombardments did not decrease in intensity during Monday night and Tuesday. Tehran and several cities were thus targeted by American and Israeli missiles. In recent hours, the strategic island of Kharg, from where Iranian oil is exported, has been targeted by strikes. Another target has generated much discussion: a synagogue in Tehran that was « entirely destroyed » by a strike, according to Iranian media reports cited by AFP. New bridges were also hit, and Israeli aviation is beginning to execute its threats against railways in certain regions. Iranian missiles also continue to fall on Gulf countries and Israel (in Israel's case, simultaneously with Hezbollah rockets). A petrochemical plant was hit in Saudi Arabia, probably in response to attacks against the petrochemical industry in Iran by Israeli aviation. Another consequence of the war is that the bridge connecting Saudi Arabia to Bahrain has been closed as a precaution by Saudi authorities. For Bahrain, this is the only possible exit route, as the airport of this small Gulf state has been closed since the beginning of the war at the end of February. On Tuesday, Supreme Leader Mojtaba Khamenei made headlines again: European intelligence reports relayed by the international press state that he is in a comatose state, asserting that he is neither conscious nor capable of making decisions, and is being treated for serious injuries in the Iranian city of Qom. This again confirms the complete grip of the Revolutionary Guards Corps on the country. Another serious development this Tuesday: a shooting in front of the Israeli consulate in Istanbul, Turkey, knowing that no Israeli diplomat is currently on Turkish soil, according to a source close to the matter at AFP. The terrorist attack left two Turkish police officers lightly wounded. Until early afternoon, no information on the identity and nationality of the attackers had yet been communicated. However, such disclosures may not be long in coming, given that, according to CNN, one of the assailants was killed and the other two wounded, thus logically being in the hands of the Turkish authorities. This incident raises serious questions, especially if a link with the war in Iran is established: are we facing a period of attacks as this conflict bogs down and reaches a stalemate? Moving funerals in Yahchouch In Lebanon, although fighting continues on the front, it is the Israeli attack against the Christian region of Ain Saadeh, east of Beirut, targeting a Hezbollah official who escaped death, that continues to dominate the news. This attack, which resulted in three deaths among the residents of this building, including a Lebanese Forces official, Pierre Moawad, his wife, and a neighbor, raises serious questions about the protection of Lebanese civilians in areas considered « safe » against the infiltration of fighters pursued by the Israeli army. The full truth about the potential presence of a fighter in this building was not yet known in all its details on Tuesday. Be that as it may, moving funerals took place in Pierre Moawad's home village. The two coffins were carried aloft to the sound of automatic weapon fire. In the crowd, much anger was expressed by the victims' relatives, who wondered why they had paid the price of a war initiated solely by Hezbollah, demanding to know the full truth and for justice to be done. The third victim was buried east of Beirut. The other question concerning Lebanese people these days is that of the Masnaa border crossing, the main one linking Beirut to Damascus, located in the Beqaa. This border crossing was threatened by Israel last Saturday, but it was not targeted. However, it has been closed since then. On Tuesday, Lebanese Interior Minister Ahmad al-Hajjar stated that diplomatic efforts were underway to secure its reopening. According to some reports, Lebanese and Syrian authorities have succeeded, through their intense contacts, in preventing or postponing a possible strike, but have so far failed to obtain its reopening. Finally, the Christian border villages still resisting on the front line in the South are more isolated than ever. A convoy led by Apostolic Nuncio Paolo Borgia could not reach the encircled village of Debl on Tuesday and had to turn back due to an untimely intervention by Hezbollah militiamen…

Are We Nearing the End of the War in Iran?
By
Jacques Mechelany
Published

Thirty-nine days into the war, the question that now hangs over the Middle East is no longer whether the conflict will reshape Iran. It already has. The real question is whether we are approaching the moment when the war moves from its destructive phase into its political phase — the moment when wars historically reach their climax and the foundations of the post-war order begin to emerge. Every war follows a brutal but recognizable trajectory. First comes shock. Then escalation. Then devastation. And finally — when the human, economic, and political costs become unbearable — the search for a new equilibrium begins. After nearly six weeks of sustained military operations, the war between Iran, the United States, Israel and their respective allies appears to be entering precisely that stage. The signals are becoming difficult to ignore. The Cost of War The toll of the conflict has been immense. Across Iran, large portions of military infrastructure have been damaged or destroyed. Strategic facilities, missile bases, command centers, and elements of the energy system have been repeatedly targeted. Civilian infrastructure has also suffered heavily. Electricity networks, transportation hubs, and industrial complexes have been disrupted across several provinces. The economic cost is already measured in tens of billions of dollars, in a country whose economy was already weakened by years of sanctions and structural inefficiencies. The human cost has been even more devastating. Thousands have been killed. Many more have been injured. Large numbers of civilians have been displaced internally as military operations intensified around key strategic zones. Financially, the pressure is equally severe. Iran’s currency has collapsed further, inflation has accelerated, and the country’s already fragile fiscal structure is now under extraordinary strain. Wars of this intensity cannot continue indefinitely. Sooner or later, the political calculus begins to change. The Hidden Negotiations Behind the public rhetoric of total confrontation, quieter diplomatic channels appear to have opened. According to Donald Trump and several regional sources, discussions have taken place between the United States and Iran. But notably, these discussions do not appear to involve the Islamic Revolutionary Guard Corps (IRGC) . Instead, they seem to involve senior officers of Iran’s regular armed forces — the Artesh — with the Pakistani military reportedly acting as an intermediary. If confirmed, this would represent a significant strategic development. For decades, Iran’s military structure has been defined by a dual system. On one side stands the IRGC , the ideological army created after the 1979 revolution to protect the Islamic Republic and its revolutionary doctrine. On the other side stands the regular Iranian military , the traditional national army whose institutional culture predates the revolution and whose mission has historically focused on the defense of the Iranian state rather than the export of ideological influence. The balance of power between these two institutions has long defined the internal architecture of the Iranian regime. The emergence of negotiations that bypass the IRGC may therefore indicate something deeper than simple wartime diplomacy. It may indicate that the political future of Iran itself is now being quietly discussed. The Ultimatum Phase Wars often end not with a sudden ceasefire but with an ultimatum . An ultimatum serves a precise strategic purpose. It forces internal actors to choose. It reshapes the internal balance of power within the losing side. And it creates the conditions under which a political transition becomes possible. The signals emerging from diplomatic channels suggest that the conflict may now be entering precisely such a phase. The ultimatum is not simply directed at the Iranian leadership. It is directed at the structure of power inside Iran . In essence, it asks a fundamental question: Who will control the Iranian state once the war ends? The revolutionary guard — or the national military? The Struggle Inside Iran This internal struggle has existed for decades, though it has rarely been visible to the outside world. The IRGC has grown enormously powerful over the past forty years. It controls large segments of Iran’s economy. It dominates major security institutions. It oversees the country’s missile programs and regional proxy networks. But the regular Iranian army remains a large and professional institution , with deep historical roots in the Iranian state and strong internal cohesion. The war has inevitably shifted the balance between these forces. When states face existential crises, institutional power structures often begin to evolve rapidly. History offers many precedents. Military establishments sometimes emerge from wartime crises as the only institutions capable of restoring order and stability. The possibility that Iran could eventually move toward a military-led transitional authority is therefore no longer unthinkable. A Possible Religious Transformation Such a shift would also have profound ideological implications. Since 1979, Iran’s political system has been built upon the doctrine of Velayat-e-Faqih — the rule of the Islamic jurist — established by Ayatollah Khomeini and centered in the clerical establishment of Qom . This model fuses religious authority with state power. But within Shiite theology itself, another tradition exists. The Shiite religious establishment in Najaf , Iraq, historically developed a different doctrine — one that emphasizes the separation between religious authority and political governance . For decades, Najaf’s scholars have advocated a more restrained political role for clerics. During the uprising, many Shia clerics and seminarists form the Najaf philosophy have actually participated with the Iranian people. A post-war Iran dominated by the military could therefore mark a radical shift away from the revolutionary clerical model of Qom toward a form of governance closer to the Najaf tradition , where religion retains influence but does not directly govern the state. Such a transformation would represent one of the most profound political changes in the Middle East since the Iranian Revolution itself. The Day After Wars often appear chaotic while they are unfolding. But the endgame usually reveals the deeper political forces that have been building beneath the surface. Thirty-nine days into this war, the outlines of that endgame may now be emerging. The conflict has devastated Iran’s infrastructure and economy. Diplomatic channels appear to be opening behind the scenes. The ultimatum phase is here. And within Iran itself, the ultimatum, whether respected and its consequences if not, may be the trigger that will shift the balance between the IGRC and the national Army.. If these dynamics continue to evolve in the same direction, the war may not simply end with a ceasefire. It may end with the reconfiguration of the Iranian state itself. The fall of regimes rarely comes from external pressure alone. More often, it comes when the internal pillars of power begin to realign. If the signals now emerging prove accurate, Iran may be approaching precisely such a moment. And when the guns finally fall silent, the Middle East may discover that the real transformation has only just begun. A new Middle East where the destruction of the State of Israel is eliminated from the Iranian constitution, where Religion is separated form the running of the State, where peace agreements are signed between Iran and its Gulf Neighbours and where guarantees are give for the free circulation through the straits of Hormuz.

The accordion that outwits violence
By
Nanette Ziadé-Ritter
Published

It was while walking the streets of my neighborhood that I stumbled upon one of the most unusual sights: an accordionist playing for no one and for everyone. To offer a moment of happiness in a country seemingly enamored with violence. He seeks neither money nor attention. He plays to share the magic of music with those who can still feel it. Thomas Kassis. That's his name. The one his adoptive parents gave him after he was moved from one foster home to another, those who finally chose to keep him. His biological parents? He doesn't know them. Thomas also works in construction, a sector hard hit by the current situation. But it is with his accordion that he lives a true love story. A passionate love story that began to blossom in 2017. As a child, the harmonica he played at home bothered the family. He resigned himself... until the day when, self-taught, he decided to take it to the streets, hoping to reach children. Out of 1,000 of them, he hopes that 2 or 3 will be captivated by the instrument. The Accordion, an Ancient Instrument Born in Europe at the beginning of the 19th century, the accordion was officially patented in 1829 in Vienna by Cyrill Demian. Its operation, however, is based on a much older principle: the free reed, inherited from the sheng, an ancient instrument from China. Conceived from its origin as a practical instrument, capable of simultaneously producing melody and accompaniment, it underwent rapid development throughout the 19th century thanks to technical innovations that enriched its keyboard and expanded its sonic possibilities. Rapidly adopted by popular circles, the accordion traveled with European migrations and became permanently established in many musical cultures: from French musette to Eastern European traditions, passing through Latin American repertoires. It comes in several forms - diatonic, chromatic, or with a piano keyboard - and gradually gains in complexity. Long associated with a folk image, it is now prominent in traditional music, jazz, contemporary creation, and the classical scene. A Passion to Transmit Long associated with popular music, the accordion takes on its full meaning when Thomas Kassis, a great lover of this instrument, offers it to those who know how to listen. As he says, this instrument feeds his soul and opens celestial doors. People endowed with humanism and sensitivity know how to appreciate the spiritual dimension of the accordion, today threatened by a "totally dehumanized" world, laments Thomas. For him, the most important thing is that the accordion endures. Hence the importance of introducing it to children naturally, and not through simplified instruments where one just needs to press a button to generate a melody. For Thomas, this is a heresy that stifles all creativity. The Power of Music in a Country in Crisis Thomas Kassis's story may not be exceptional, but it becomes unique in the current context of absolute violence, where dreams and poetry struggle to find their place. Ironically, it is in the midst of the Spring of Poets, whose theme this year is "Freedom. A living force, deployed," that Thomas walks the streets, scattering a few notes capable of instilling strength and energy in the Lebanese people, battered by wars and crises, but still carrying a fragile zest for life. Further proof that this instrument, whose unique sound evokes cheerfulness, can unite, encourage rethinking happiness, that fleeting moment that keeps escaping us.

The Forgotten Ones of the Iran War
By
Michel Touma
Published

His name was Amirhossein Hatami; he was a musician, a talented guitarist, according to his relatives; he was 18 years old; he was hanged in the courtyard of Ghezel Hesar prison in the suburbs of Tehran… He had been accused of “enmity against God”... Mohammed Amin Beighari, 19, was allowed last week by his jailers to contact his father by phone to inform him (the height of sadism and cruelty on the part of the regime…) that he would be hanged the next morning; the execution took place as planned. His “crime”: having participated in the latest demonstrations against the mullahs’ regime… His name was Saleh Mohammadi, a professional wrestler; he had participated in wrestling competitions under the banner of Iran; he was 19 years old; he was hanged a few days ago for opposing the current dictatorship… These are three randomly chosen cases from a long list – a very long and sinister list – of thousands of teenagers and young Iranians in the prime of their lives , or at the beginning of their professional lives, who have been hanged or are awaiting execution, enduring all sorts of abuse in their places of detention. These “children of war” – the war waged by the mullahs’ regime against the free Iranian people – are the forgotten ones of this armed conflict that has been shaking the entire Middle East and the Gulf for more than five weeks. The repressive services of the Islamic Republic are clearly taking advantage of the international community’s attention being focused on military operations and their repercussions to engage in serial hangings of young people. Their appalling work is far from being disturbed by the tragic fate suffered by Iran as a direct consequence of the suicidal and belligerent strategy pursued by the Khomeini regime for decades. These endless series of death sentences and summary executions have been part of the Iranian judiciary’s “tradition” for years and follow expedited mock “trials” condemned by all international organizations. They illustrate a dark reality, namely the fundamentally savage, bloodthirsty, and utterly inhumane nature of the radical wing of the mullahs’ regime. Unfortunately, this extremist and hardline current, in its standoff with the United States and the Western world in general, now seems to hold the reins of power alone in Iran, taking advantage of the elimination, followed by the obvious marginalization, of the Supreme Leader and his successor. This grim situation is deliberately obscured by the “right-thinking” and pseudo-Islamo-leftists who refuse to perceive the deep and real danger that the continued power of the mullahs’ regime survivors represents, not only for the peoples of the region but also for liberal societies. When a plant withers, it would not be very useful, if one wishes to get rid of it, to merely prune the stem and branches while preserving the roots, because it would then soon re-emerge, stronger than before. In the same way, accepting the idea of an “arrangement” or a compromise with the remnants of the mullahs’ regime would mean allowing the rebirth in the short term, and with more malice, of a dictatorial power that has for more than twenty years developed a uranium enrichment program for clearly military purposes, that has built over the years thousands of ballistic missiles potentially capable of reaching major European capitals, that has cold-bloodedly massacred, in two days, nearly 40,000 young peaceful demonstrators, that does not hesitate to fire live ammunition at mass protests, that has no qualms about hanging hundreds, even thousands, of teenagers and young people, that has for years undertaken to finance and develop international terrorism, that has destabilized several Middle Eastern countries to satisfy its hegemonic aims by emulating sinister Nazi practices, that has created subservient militias in several capitals of the region, that has formed subversive cells in the Gulf and some European countries, that has associated itself with global networks of drug trafficking and mafia schemes… Here too, the list is long… The tragedy experienced today by the Iranian population and the peoples of the region is the direct result of the indescribable laxity observed, for more than 45 years, by certain Western leaders and circles in the face of the belligerent and expansionist strategy patiently put in place by the Islamic Revolutionary Guard Corps. To wish to “compromise” with the survivors of a power that remains imbued with an archaic theocratic ideology and to wish to re-engage in laxity towards such a power would be to betray the humanist and universal values advocated and defended by the West. During the last phase of the Second World War, it was out of the question, under the pretext of stopping hostilities, to consider an “arrangement” with the survivors of the Nazi regime. It was imperative to totally eradicate that entire regime to prevent it from re-emerging. In the same way, maintaining the roots of the Khomeini project would be to grant it a new life and to condemn the countries of the region to suffer once again, not too long from now, the torments of another destructive war with economic repercussions that would, without a doubt, extend beyond the narrow confines of the Middle East region alone.

The Palestinian Condition… The Diaspora
By
Hisham Dibsi
Published

The resolution on the partition of Palestine, adopted by the United Nations General Assembly on 29 November 1947 and known as Resolution 181, brought the State of Israel into existence over a territory of fifteen thousand square kilometres, whose population did not then exceed half a million settlers. The same document called for the creation of an Arab state on eleven thousand square kilometres, at a time when the Palestinian people numbered one million four hundred thousand inhabitants. The resolution further provided for the placing of Jerusalem and Bethlehem under international trusteeship. The Arab and Palestinian rejection of this partition triggered the outbreak of the war over Palestine, with consequences that proved catastrophic: Israel was thus able to occupy 78% of the land and compel some seven hundred and fifty thousand inhabitants to leave. Of those who fled, the ones who made their way to Jordan, Syria and Lebanon accounted for no more than half that number, the other half settling in the camps of the West Bank and the Gaza Strip. In other words, more than a million Palestinians never left their land, despite their internal displacement. The paradox lies in the fact that collective consciousness nonetheless came to treat them as a refugee people, owing largely to the Jordanian nationality law and the Israeli naturalisation law. As for the Gaza Strip, the Egyptian administration issued refugee identity cards to the populations of Gaza’s own towns and cities, people who had never left their soil, thereby transforming them, in their turn, into refugees. Truce Lebanon received some one hundred thousand Palestinians, to whom were added roughly as many Lebanese who had been residing in Palestine and now returned home. A portion of these still appears in the statistics of UNRWA, which had defined a refugee as any person who had resided in Palestine before the Nakba. But when the Palestinian refugees learned of the armistice agreements concluded between Israel on the one hand and Egypt, Jordan, Syria and Lebanon on the other, they understood that the military defeat had been formally enshrined, as had the new Israeli reality, in spite of every hollow slogan that continued to be brandished. Once life had been somewhat stabilised in the camps and in certain villages and towns, reflection on destiny and on the future began to assert itself. A decade and some years elapsed since the Nakba in what certain elites described as a period of drift and loss of direction. In the nineteen-fifties, individuals attempted to return to their homeland by their own means, while others formed armed groups of which some succeeded in their operations and others failed, with most eventually being absorbed into Arab armies for purposes of military reconnaissance. The majority of refugees, however, accepted the authority of the host state and submitted to its laws, particularly in Syria and Egypt, where the Palestinian cause was instrumentalised to shore up the legitimacy of the regimes themselves. In Lebanon, the situation differed markedly, as the authorities treated the refugees as a special case entrusted to the management of the security services, applying laws of isolation, restricting freedom of movement, prohibiting all construction, even the building of a simple private lavatory for a family, and subjecting individuals to brutal security interference in their daily lives, under the pretext of containing the spread of Nasserist, Baathist and other nationalist currents among the generation of the Nakba. The Cairo Agreement It was not misery alone that drove the Palestinian refugees in Lebanon to take up arms. The role played by Egypt and Syria after the humiliating defeat of June 1967 had a decisive influence in supplying weapons, providing military training and opening up routes of access to the fronts surrounding Israel, foremost among them the south of Lebanon. When the crisis of dual power erupted in Jordan, pitting the Palestinian revolution against the Hashemite throne during the events of September 1970, President Gamal Abdel Nasser played the role of the fedayyin’s saviour by securing their withdrawal from Amman, launching the rallying call that “the resistance exists to endure,” which meant, in other terms, that the official Arab regimes continued to need it. Yasser Arafat, chairman of the Palestine Liberation Organisation, completed this formula for his part by declaring that “the resistance exists to endure and to prevail.” This explains the role Nasser played in producing the Cairo Agreement of 1969, which responded to the persistent need of the official Arab order to maintain an armed resistance operating from the frontline states, a situation that continued until the October War of 1973. In a belated Palestinian critical reading of this pivotal episode in Lebanon’s contemporary history, the text of the apology addressed to the Lebanese people, known as the “Declaration of Palestine in Lebanon,” stated in particular: “…But fairness demands that we acknowledge that the Palestinian presence in Lebanon, by its human, political and military scale, weighed heavily upon this fraternal country and imposed upon it burdens that exceeded its strength and its capacity to endure… to the point of inflicting upon its state, its economy, its social fabric and its formula of coexistence deep wounds that are no longer hidden from anyone. It is equally fair to say that Palestinian involvement in Lebanon, as it unfolded, and particularly during the wars of 1975 to 1982, was in its entirety almost the product of compulsion, driven by internal and external circumstances akin to force majeure.” This revision was not merely a moral exercise; it flowed from a profound evolution and a genuine turning point in Palestinian political thought, one that had been successively nourished by the declaration of independence of the State of Palestine at the National Council convened in Algiers in 1988, which anchored the Palestinian peace project within the broader framework of the Arab peace project, and then by the conclusion of the Oslo Accords in 1993 and the subsequent formation of the Palestinian National Authority. All of this, combined with the restoration of Palestinian-Lebanese relations in 2005 following the end of Syrian tutelage, led the new Palestinian policy to define itself henceforth in the logic of statehood rather than revolution. The Palestinian apology thus acquired its political and moral weight, and its credibility in practice before it was expressed in words, as the following passage attests: “…Opening the door to revision, and helping ourselves all to purify our memory… we take the initiative, for our part, of apologising for any harm we have caused to beloved Lebanon, wittingly or unwittingly, and this apology is unconditional, without awaiting any apology in return.” — 7 January 2008 The Lebanese Parliament’s decision to abrogate the Cairo Agreement in 1987, for its part, was less rooted in a logic of rebuilding the Lebanese state on the basis of a weapons monopoly than it reflected the struggle waged by the Assad regime against the PLO leadership for control and dominance over the camps, Lebanon serving once again as the theatre of that confrontation in the wake of the Palestinian withdrawal of 1982. (The war of the camps, the war of the dissidents., the events of eastern Sidon, etc.) One can therefore conclude now with clarity that when the current administration, through its inaugural address and its government programme, took the decision to concentrate arms in the hands of the state, the Palestine Liberation Organisation was simultaneously launching, through its embassy in Beirut, its political and practical initiative to implement that very decision. What took place in the camps last year regarding the handover of heavy and medium weapons bears witness to the credibility of Palestinian policy in building a relationship of trust with Lebanese legitimacy, a relationship founded on respect for the Lebanese national interest and on the commitment not to undermine it, within the framework of resolving the accumulated problems of the Palestinian refugee community, understood as forming part of the Lebanese challenges that must be addressed through a new perspective, without causing further harm to the country. A Word of Honour The occupation of the Holy Places in Palestine had painful repercussions for believers, who found themselves barred from the Church of the Holy Sepulchre, the Church of the Nativity and the Al-Aqsa Mosque. In this spirit, the Holy See multiplied its initiatives, most notably through the papal visits to Palestine over the past two decades, thereby joining analogous initiatives emanating from Al-Azhar, from Marrakech, from Abu Dhabi, and from local endeavours in Lebanon, both official and civil in character. Most of these initiatives shared two fundamental affirmations. The first held that Palestine constitutes the land and the geography of the Christian message; the second proclaimed that Lebanese Christianity had embodied, in this region, civilisational, cultural and human dialogue, remaining thereby the most luminous beacon of the Christian presence in the East. If the emigration of Christians represents a major challenge for the entire Levant, it is an even greater one for Lebanon and Palestine, where the Christian presence continues to shrink under the effects of an Israeli occupation that seeks to see a Palestine emptied of that presence. From 13% that it once represented, it has today fallen to below 2%, through systematic policies designed to exclude the Christian role in resistance to the occupation. In these blessed days of Lent and Easter, on 29 April 2008, a large Palestinian delegation comprising leaders from Ramallah, headed by the Ambassador of Palestine to Lebanon and accompanied by virtually all the local leadership, made its way to the patriarchal seat at Bkerké, presenting a document issued by the Palestinian leadership and entitled “A Word of Honour and a Pledge of Faithfulness to Our Christian Brothers in Lebanon,” whose terms read as follows: “We, Palestinians, Muslims and Christians, regard ourselves, we in Palestine as you in Lebanon, as an authentic part of an Arab majority called upon to play today, as it has in the recent past, a pioneering role in a general renaissance, to spread the message of peace, love, progress and openness… And in expressing our choices and our orientations in this generous country, through a sincere and candid revision, we address to you this word of honour and pledge ourselves, to ourselves as to you: “First: to respect fully your Lebanese and Levantine particularity, and to stand at your side in warding off any danger that may threaten beloved Lebanon as an independent entity and a sovereign state. “Second: to resist any attempt to resolve the problem of Palestinian refugees in Lebanon at the expense of this country, or outside the provisions of international legality, foremost among which is the right of return as enshrined in Resolution 194. “Third: to work towards the healing of souls and the purification of memory, and to strengthen the spirit of reconciliation, so that your homeland Lebanon and our homeland Palestine may remain a source of spiritual radiance and a platform of civilisational and cultural expression, as they have been throughout the ages. “Such is the word of honour and the pledge of faithfulness that we hope to seal with deeds worthy of God and of our national conscience.” Signed: the Ambassador of the State of Palestine to the Lebanese Republic This initiative, among others, has carved a new channel for reconciliation and the purification of memory. On the political level, what can be affirmed today is that the current Lebanese government, in the framework of its decisions aimed at concentrating arms in the hands of the state, has entrusted the “Lebanese-Palestinian Dialogue Committee,” tasked with addressing the affairs of the refugee community, with the preparation of a preliminary policy document entitled “The Lebanese National Plan for the Governance of Palestinian Camps in Lebanon.” It is the first of its kind at the level of the Lebanese state, with the objective of bringing the camps out of the sphere of security management and placing them under the protection of the state, of extending its sovereignty over all its territory, of proceeding with the withdrawal of Palestinian arms from the camps, and of ensuring a dignified life for the refugees until the moment of their return. One may say, finally, that the future carries within it the promise of transcending the past.