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Massive explosion caused by an Israeli strike near the town of Al-Mansouri in southern Lebanon. (AFP)
Weekly essentials
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By LevantTime .
Published Sep 6, 2026 - 23:27
While the United States had appeared to be relying solely on economic warfare against Iran, the US military abruptly carried out strikes on Iranian territory on Tuesday in retaliation for attacks targeting oil tankers, setting off a spiral of violence over the course of the week. In Lebanon, Israel released several civilians held in its prisons, while its army seized the strategic Ali el-Taher hill and continued its heavy strikes in the area it controls in the south of the country. The week from August 31 to September 6 was marked by a sharp acceleration of events in the Middle East, after the previous one had seemed defined by relative stagnation. On the Iranian front, the US military carried out targeted strikes inside Iranian territory as early as Tuesday evening, the first in nearly a month. This screen grab, made on September 6, 2026 from undated video footage released the same day by US Central Command, shows what CENTCOM says is one of the Iranian oil tankers it destroyed in response to attempted missile attacks on naval vessels. (CENTCOM via AFP) However, the relatively limited pace of the strikes suggests that the US administration has opted for an escalation that remains controlled, while continuing its blockade and economic pressure on Tehran. Even so, tensions continued to rise throughout the week. Explosions were heard on Saturday on the highly strategic island of Kharg, through which most of Iran’s oil exports pass. US President Donald Trump, for his part, threatened to strike the Kuh-e Kolang nuclear site — “Pickaxe Mountain” in Persian — a heavily fortified facility located deep underground, not far from Natanz, Iran’s main uranium-enrichment site. Earlier in the week, he had enshrined the “tanker for tanker” equation, pledging to target an Iranian vessel every time the Islamic Revolutionary Guard Corps struck an oil tanker in the Strait of Hormuz. That is precisely what the US military did on Saturday, setting two Iranian vessels ablaze. Politically, Donald Trump further hardened his tone toward Tehran. After saying in an interview that talks had been permanently frozen “because an agreement with them is not worth the paper it is written on,” he said on Saturday that the “conflict” with Iran was not a “war,” but “something ordinary” for the United States. A way of rattling the Iranians while at the same time reassuring the US public ahead of the midterm elections. A port, along with storage facilities and warehouses, was damaged following a US military strike carried out on September 6, 2026 in Iran’s southern Hormozgan province, which borders the Strait of Hormuz. (AFP) At the same time, the US news outlet Axios published a report on Saturday suggesting that the United States is already looking beyond this conflict, which began on February 28. Citing US officials and other informed sources, the outlet said the Trump administration is developing a broader strategy for the post-war Middle East. According to the report, it would be based on creating a regional alignment aimed at containing Iran, bringing an end to the regional fallout from Hamas’s October 7, 2023 attacks in Gaza, and expanding the circle of normalization between Israel and countries in the region. The threat against Kuh-e Kolang, which brings the Iranian nuclear issue back to the fore, echoes an announcement by the International Atomic Energy Agency (IAEA), which said on September 1 that Iran had still not reopened its sites to inspectors following the strikes of May 2025. It should be recalled that despite the scale of the Israeli-American offensive against Iranian sites, it is almost certain that the stockpile of enriched uranium remains intact and has been moved to a safe location by the Iranian authorities, which remain committed to what they consider their right to develop a nuclear program. Following the IAEA announcement, the United States, together with France, Britain and Germany, said they intended to submit a resolution to the UN Security Council condemning Iran’s failure to comply with its non-proliferation commitments. This display of unity stands in contrast to the chill that has prevailed between Washington and its European allies since the beginning of the conflict. For their part, the Iranians appear to be responding to the upheaval in much the same way as before: by striking neighboring countries, notably Kuwait, the United Arab Emirates and Jordan, without directly targeting Israel. Heavy strikes in southern Lebanon On the Lebanese front, Israel is intensifying its destruction operations in villages in the south, even using explosive barrels in some cases. Lebanese President Joseph Aoun urged Washington and the international community to “put an end” to Israeli attacks on Lebanese territory, which killed seven people on Sunday against the backdrop of a fragile truce. The strikes hit several localities in the Nabatiyeh region. Twenty people were also wounded, including children, according to the Health Ministry. One strike also destroyed the former Ghandour hospital, which had been out of service for years. Release of detainees and capture of Ali el-Taher But the major event of the week in the south was the Israeli capture of the strategic Ali el-Taher hill in the Nabatiyeh region. The site served as a major Hezbollah headquarters, consisting of an extensive network of tunnels from which fighters from the Shiite party operated, along with, according to some reports, Iranian fighters. On Thursday evening, the Israelis announced that they had taken control of the complex. On Sunday, Israeli Defense Minister Israel Katz said that tunnels still had to be blown up. This military “success” may not have come as a surprise after weeks of bombardment, but Hezbollah’s reaction was more unexpected. After long insisting that it would refuse to give up this strategic hill — as had the Iranians, who had also threatened to intervene — the Shiite party ultimately sought to play down the significance of the development through its media outlets and allied networks, without officially confirming the loss of the site, which it had refused to preserve by handing it over to the Lebanese army. The other major surprise of the week was Israel’s release of five Lebanese and Syrian civilians held in its prisons. The move came following a visit to Tel Aviv by US Ambassador to Lebanon Michel Issa. According to the Israeli prime minister’s office, Thursday’s announcement “follows efforts by Israel and Lebanon to locate and repatriate the remains of leaders of the Jewish community who had been abducted and killed in Lebanon” between 1984 and 1986. Here too, Hezbollah’s reaction raises questions. While describing the move as positive but insufficient, the party once again turned on the Lebanese authorities, accusing them of “submission to the enemy” and holding them “responsible” for the disaster in the south. It even warned them against “internal conflicts.” Could the party’s military setbacks push it to turn increasingly toward the domestic front? Finally, the Israeli army made an important statement on Sunday, saying it was considering reducing its occupation zone in southern Lebanon, moving from the current “yellow zone” to a “grey zone.” Such a development would, according to this assessment, reflect a reduced threat from Hezbollah. The measure has not yet been approved by Israel’s political leadership. Yemen and Palestine The week was also particularly tense in Yemen, where clashes between Houthi rebels and government forces continued to intensify, culminating in an especially deadly Saturday in which more than 60 people were killed in a single day, bringing the death toll since Thursday to around 200. The Houthi offensive is aimed in particular at taking control of areas bordering the Bab el-Mandeb passage, which would give this Iranian ally additional leverage over another major strategic chokepoint after the Strait of Hormuz. In Palestine, particularly troubling comments by Israel Katz on Gaza marked the week. He claimed, without providing evidence, that most of the territory’s residents wanted to leave, stressing that Israel was “ready for such an evacuation” on a mass scale. A sign that the ordeal of Gaza’s residents may be far from over. Finally, it is worth noting that the IAEA announced on September 1 that facilities discovered in Deir el-Zor, Syria, indicate that Bashar al-Assad’s former regime had secretly been preparing an advanced nuclear program that could have led to the production of an atomic weapon with the help of North Korean experts.
Homage
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By Michel Hajji Georgiou - Published Sep 6, 2026 - 13:31
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The Argentine player, who brought his international career to an end on August 31, 2026, was nothing less than a magician of the stadiums. His journey, made of wonders, falls and redemption, may tell us something about our undiminished need for enchantment in a world that nevertheless claims to have rid itself of it. Announced a few weeks after the 2026 World Cup final lost to Spain, Lionel Messi’s international retirement inevitably stirred an emotion for which it is difficult to find many equivalents in the recent history of football. One would probably have to go back to Maradona, or perhaps to Cruyff or Pelé, to recover that sense that, with the retirement of a player, something disappears that extends far beyond the sport itself, as though a certain way of inhabiting football, perhaps even of believing in it, were also coming to an end. Far from the glacis of reason Enough of the endless statistics and the unbearable, tedious and sterile quarrels over “who is the greatest of all time.” The author of these lines has never been a fanatic of the round ball, nor, for that matter, of vertical rankings or hierarchies of merit in general, and consequently appreciates the talent of each player with the same sense of wonder as an eleven-year-old child. Besides, this particularly contemporary obsession with numbers ruins all the pleasure of the spectacle. And with good reason: the approach that consists in adding up goals, assists, Ballons d’Or, Champions Leagues, Copa América titles, World Cups… can only be reductive. On another register, it is not entirely unrelated to German-American philosopher Eric Voegelin’s critique of the modern Gnostic temptation: that of a form of knowledge convinced that it can imprison reality within a system and abolish whatever resists it. Records are probably one indicator of Lionel Messi’s genius. Yet so many other great players who made stadiums and hearts tremble, without achieving half of what he did, nevertheless remain eternal in our memories. What made them truly singular lies elsewhere, far from the glacis of reason. Something else was at work around them. Something belonging to a certain profound sense of transcendence that understanding can never fully grasp. This has been true of Lionel Messi for more than twenty years, since the day when, under the gaze of the “icon” Diego Maradona, he made his first appearance, in June 2006, on the World Cup stage in the colors of the Albiceleste against Serbia and Montenegro. That ineffable element that constitutes Messi’s genius, as it does that of others, may indeed touch upon one of modernity’s strangest paradoxes: the persistence of magic in a world that has constructed itself precisely against it. The disenchanted world Max Weber used the expression “disenchantment of the world” to describe the slow process by which Western modernity gradually subjected existence to rationalization, calculation, predictability and causal explanation. The world was no longer supposed to be traversed by obscure powers, signs, supernatural interventions or invisible wills; it was, at least in principle, to become intelligible. Unfortunately, modern sport, and more broadly the modern world inherited from globalization, fits perfectly within this dynamic. Today’s football, and not football alone, is probably one of the most quantified objects imaginable. The slightest gesture is measured, and everything is carefully calculated and modeled. From mathematics to artificial intelligence, raw talent now depends more on science than on enchantment. What is human in its spontaneous, even wild, relationship with the invisible that springs from the heart is disappearing before our eyes, in favor of the squaring of the VAR circle. It is, in a sense, the murder of sport in the name of greater rigor and fairness… even though the euthanasia of this share of sublime spontaneity ultimately produces glaring injustices of its own. One need only revisit some of the controversial decisions of the 2026 World Cup to see it. Paradox of paradoxes, Lionel Messi was himself, at the outset, a child of this technical modernity, to which he certainly owes part of his exceptional career. His body, too small by expected standards, was corrected through hormone treatment. Identified very early, his talent was taken in hand by an institution that organized his training, nutrition, physical development and integration into an already globalized sporting machine. Nothing, in appearance, could have been further removed from the old heroic narrative. At first sight, the story seems closer to dystopias in the vein of Gattaca than to myths and messianic narratives. And yet the old narrative did indeed return, and with an almost embarrassing insistence. Since the beginning of his career, Lionel Messi has been placed under the microscope. But the more people labored to explain and demystify him, the less they succeeded in entirely dissipating the impression produced by some of his gestures. The man simply cannot be circumscribed and reduced to an accumulation of data. At an age when most great players retreat into the shadows, he continues to surprise. To astonish, even, by bringing to sport that element of the senseless which escapes the quasi-robotic hypersystematization of the world. It is probably there that one must seek this elsewhere that characterizes Messi. In the survival of magic at a time when even the spaces that once allowed the positive expression of a humanity made of flesh and blood are gradually being “disciplined” by the hypnotic attraction of a new puritanical Gnosis in the name of modernity. The Messiah made by the machine Although he emerged, in a sense, from the machinery of the Matrix, Lionel Messi constitutes in himself a challenge to this ready-to-wear model. A kind of alter ego of Neo from The Matrix, thrown into a simulation governed by parameters that claim to calculate everything. The Argentine’s destiny gradually took on, almost despite himself, the form of a messianic narrative. The pun on his name would be too easy had it not been ceaselessly revived by his own story: that of the fragile child whose body seemed intent on denying him the fulfillment to which his talent destined him. Then that of exile at a very young age to Barcelona, adoption by a foreign city, an almost unreal ascent, worldwide recognition, followed by this strange difficulty in being recognized by his own… For a long time, Argentina maintained a relationship of hainamoration with its prodigal child. His results, his talent, his brilliance mattered little… he still had to answer one merciless question: why wasn’t he Maradona? The comparison was admittedly inevitable, but it was also profoundly unfair. Everything separated the two men in their way of being in the world. Maradona carried Argentina with everything in it that was passionate, contradictory, excessive and theatrical. He spoke, provoked, fought, fell, returned, mingled football with his private life, his anger, his political commitments… all the way to his own destruction. His very body seemed to become one of the places where the contradictions of his country were played out. Maradona was the very incarnation of what the world expected from football: a rebellious soul, sometimes pushing the game to the point of immorality, but within a kind of footballing gigantomachy. Maradona was epic. And, above all, he had placed his country at the summit of world football in 1986. Messi offered none of that. He was silent, at times almost absent from the story others were constructing around him, an absence long interpreted as a flaw. Almost erased, devoid of personality. That, moreover, was what the two giants Maradona and Pelé reproached him for: a lack of leadership, being too smooth. A kind of miracle test-tube baby of the stadiums. The boy from Rosario was also criticized for not singing the anthem loudly enough, for not being Argentine enough, for having been “manufactured” by Barcelona, and then, naturally, for failing to win with the national team what he won almost continuously with his club. The unfulfilled prophecy The dramatic loss to Germany in the 2014 World Cup final, followed by the Copa América finals of 2015 and 2016, had gradually transformed that suspicion into an accusation. When he missed his penalty against Chile in 2016 and subsequently announced that he was leaving the national team, he was nevertheless already one of the greatest players in football history. Yet his story remained strangely unfinished. The sense of incompletion had little to do with his honors. It concerned instead that quasi-archaic necessity continually imposed upon modern heroes: to bring their initiatory journey to completion. In Argentina’s colors, Messi shone, then fell heavily. But he did not rise again. He did not fulfill the prophecy. And, in the eyes of his people, this reinforced the sense of hainamoration: a fallen god remains a god, after all. But with the added burden of what his worshippers regard as an intolerable substratum of humanity and, therefore, something perfectly detestable: his flaws, his weaknesses. Argentines loved Maradona despite his spectacular downfall and his fallible humanity. But that was because he had “earned” the right to such a downfall, because it had somehow become acceptable after Mexico 1986. Messi, by contrast, did not yet have the right to fall, because he had not yet reached the summit. No, the prophecy had not been fulfilled. It was even becoming a caricature. So Messi returned. But he still had to wait for his redemption. It took the 2021 Copa América at the Maracanã for this relationship of suspicion, expectation and disappointment with his public and his people truly to begin changing. And above all it took the 2022 World Cup for the story to acquire that almost excessively perfect form that no one would have dared write without appearing to indulge in a screenwriter’s contrivance. Strangely, Maradona had died in 2020. It was as though a kind of oppressive national curse had been lifted. At the same time, the Argentine people needed a substitute father figure, and the pressure was thereby only redoubled. But perhaps mixed with a little tenderness this time? What happened in Qatar in 2022 is all the more interesting because Messi himself appeared slightly different. He protested more, answered provocations, lost his temper, spoke with a violence of which few had thought him capable, and even let slip that now famous “¿Qué mirás, bobo?” at the Dutch, to Argentina’s amusement. Buenos Aires finally discovered, belatedly, what it had always expected from him. A little Maradona in a great deal of Messi. But Messi did not become Maradona. And perhaps that was precisely where the true reconciliation occurred: Argentina stopped asking him to be. From 2022 onward, Messi no longer needed to embody another model of national genius. For his country too, he could finally become what he had already been everywhere else: Messi. Simply. The final act of the prophecy Granted, the triumph of 2022 could have constituted a perfect ending. But, as with Maradona, the final act of heroic prophecy is the fall. No one really expected anything extraordinary from Messi anymore in 2026. At 39, he was widely regarded as one of the “tired heroes.” The fall from the Capitol had come with the bitter episode of his departure from FC Barcelona and his misadventure at PSG. He was now playing only in the American league, in Miami’s colors… on the periphery of the footballing world, in the distant lands of soccer. And the new generation was already there, ready to send its ancestors off to Bicêtre. Yet this 2026 World Cup, which seemed destined to be nothing more than an epilogue, turned into one last sensational blaze of glory. Argentina reached the final once again, with Messi, at 39, restored as its “historic leader” and its recourse in decisive moments, achieving something not unlike what Roberto Baggio had done for Italy in 1994, at… 27: a perpetual deus ex machina. Baggio failed at the gates of triumph against Brazil after practically carrying Italy all the way to Pasadena. His penalty, sent over the crossbar, would leave behind one of the cruelest images in World Cup history: a man standing motionless, head bowed, hands on his hips, while Brazil celebrated its victory. The man who had “died standing.” The Italian imp never knew apotheosis. Yet this symbolic death, far from erasing his tournament, eventually became part of his legend. History was kinder to Messi, despite a campaign of hatred directed at him, mixed with accusations of cheating and favoritism, against a backdrop of controversial refereeing decisions and acts of unsporting conduct by his team, just as it had once been with Maradona. Kinder still, in fact. A final in a sixth World Cup on the verge of retirement, capped by an outstanding individual performance? That is precisely where the magic of the Messi phenomenon lies, and where it defies reason and its avalanche of statistics. Genius cannot be imprisoned within a sum of parameters and variables. Even optimal physical condition cannot by itself explain what the entire world witnessed. And what does it matter if his story reminds us that the hero, however mythical, cannot abolish the sinister influence of Saturn. The re-enchantment of the world For beyond the prophecy fulfilled, from ascent to fall, with its share of happiness and misfortune, the Argentine offered the world one final lap that belongs to art, if not to a form of Homeric poetry. With Lionel Messi’s withdrawal from the international stage, a little of the world’s magic disappears… until another providential hero returns to enchant the stadiums. For more than twenty years, Messi embodied the coexistence of two worlds we had thought incompatible: that of the extreme rationalization of modern sport and that, far older, of the hero, the sign, expectation and enchantment. When Messi leaves, something of this contradiction suddenly becomes visible. Other prodigies have already emerged, but perhaps, at the very moment when one of its last great representatives leaves the stage, we discover just how much we continue to need transcendence. The modern world has therefore probably not abolished enchantment. It has merely displaced it. For ninety minutes at a time, this man called Lionel Messi, who embodied it on football pitches, now leaves after having accomplished everything. And even more.
Analyze

Have We Become Stupider?

Or Are We Experiencing a Transformation in the Structure of Knowledge?
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By Mona Fayad - Published Sep 5, 2026 - 20:01
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The question “Has the world become stupider?” frequently returns in contemporary debates about digital media, search engines, and social networks. On the surface, it seems simple. Yet behind it lies a deeper issue concerning the very nature of knowledge: how it is produced, how it is transmitted, and how it is consumed. Perhaps “Have we become stupider?” is not the most accurate question. A better one might be: Is knowledge still being transmitted in a way that allows it to be understood and made productive? Do most readers still go back to the original texts? Or do they turn instead to summaries and to what is said about those texts through material circulating among readers? One key to understanding this phenomenon lies in the work of British psychologist Frederic Bartlett, who conducted a series of experiments in the 1930s on what he called “serial reproduction.” In these experiments, one person would be asked to hear a story and then retell it to someone else, who would in turn retell it to a third person, and so on. The results were striking: with each new transmission, the story was not conveyed as it had originally been told, but was reformulated. Some details were omitted, others were exaggerated, and still others were replaced by elements that better suited the recipient’s background, experience, and culture. By the time the chain had passed through enough people, the original story had become something entirely different. This simple model reveals a fundamental truth: memory is not a neutral container, but a mechanism of reconstruction. When knowledge passes through multiple intermediaries, it is not “preserved” but “reproduced.” Here we begin to see the resemblance to our contemporary world, and with it the fear that we may be becoming stupider. In the age of digital media, knowledge no longer travels through oral transmission, but through chains of mediation: an article is summarized, then quoted, then reposted as a short post, before being further reduced to a sentence or a headline. In this context, we might borrow a metaphor that appeared in a journalistic text: a library whose books are gradually replaced by summaries, then by summaries of summaries, until the reader is left facing layer upon layer of reduction. We might call this the “raccoon chain”: the raccoon does not read the original, but rummages through what remains of it. It is worth clarifying that the choice of the “raccoon” is not arbitrary. The metaphor symbolically condenses a cognitive condition that is becoming increasingly entrenched. This animal, which lives on the fringes of cities and rummages through garbage bins, does not produce its own food but feeds on the leftovers of what others have produced. Despite its practical intelligence and its ability to pry things apart, pick through them, and seize what is useful, it does not understand what lies before it. It treats things simply as material available for immediate use. This is what knowledge begins to look like in an age of serial reduction: texts are shortened, then shortened again, until all that remains are scraps of meaning, rearranged and circulated without any genuine connection to their source. At that point, we have not merely moved away from the original. We have entered a new phase in the production of information or knowledge, in which the cognitive actor is no longer a reader or a thinker, but a collector of fragments of meaning who redistributes them in forms designed for rapid consumption. “Raccoon culture,” then, is not merely a description of superficiality. It is an accurate description of the degradation of the knowledge chain itself: from creation to summary, from understanding to formal processing, from ideas to something resembling only their faded trace. Yet this phenomenon cannot be understood apart from the technological structure that governs it. Here Marshall McLuhan becomes relevant, with his famous formulation: “The medium is the message.” The problem lies not only in content, but also in the form through which that content is transmitted. Contemporary digital media do not simply convey information. They reshape it according to the logic of speed, condensation, and fragmentation. Long texts become unsuitable for consumption, while an idea becomes acceptable only if it can be compressed into a few shareable lines. This transformation produces a striking paradox: we live in a time when access to knowledge is no longer difficult. It is excessively easy. And with that excessive ease comes what might be called a “cognitive illusion”: reading a brief passage or a quick summary can be enough to make a person feel that they have grasped an idea. Yet this feeling of possession is not necessarily accompanied by deep understanding, or by the ability to reconstruct or critique that knowledge. This is where we encounter what might be called the “semi-educated”: people who possess the signs of knowledge but not its structure, its vocabulary but not its internal logic. The problem becomes even more complex when viewed through the lens of attention. Instead of remaining in a state of sustained concentration, as in traditional reading or prolonged reflection, the mind now exists under continuous informational bombardment: notifications, clips, headlines, and successive waves of content. This does not merely fragment attention. It reshapes it according to a logic of constant jumping between short units of meaning, rather than the gradual and cumulative construction of an idea. I am reminded here of a joke that we used to tell and that was widely circulated during the days of popular demonstrations. It vividly illustrates the process of reduction and reshaping of content. After the occupation of Palestine, many popular demonstrations took to the streets chanting, “Down with the Balfour Declaration!” The joke was that by the end of the demonstration, the slogan had become, in Arabic, “Let one fall from above,” a completely different phrase that retained something of the original slogan’s rhythm and sound. This image may help bring us closer to what happens in everyday language when knowledge is transformed into short messages that are collectively repeated. A demonstration begins with a precise political slogan. Through repetition, collective immersion, and sonic rhythm, it gradually turns into a completely different formula. The new version may preserve the rhythm and emotional charge of the original, while losing its meaning and original significance. What remains is no longer the meaning, but the emotional energy of the phrase. Here, in another form, we encounter what Bartlett observed: what matters is not merely what was said, but how it was retold and how it was reinterpreted within a changing social context. If we bring these strands together, we might say that what we are experiencing today is not so much a “collapse of intelligence” as a transformation in the conditions under which intelligence operates. The human mind has not changed radically, but the environment in which it functions has changed profoundly: from an environment that allowed slow accumulation to one that imposes the rapid and fragmented reproduction of knowledge. This transformation creates a permanent tension between two kinds of thinking: reflective thought, which requires time, and rapid thought, which demands an immediate response. Seen in this light, the question “Have we become stupider?” is partly misleading. It may be more accurate to say that we are increasingly exposed to conditions that make deep thinking less stable, or less possible, and knowledge more vulnerable to fragmentation and recycling. As for stupidity, if the term can be used, it may not be a quality of the mind at all, but rather a side effect and a characteristic of the cultural structure that has emerged. It is a technology that reshapes our relationship with the world. Thus, rather than seeing this as a decline in human capacities, we might understand it as a transformation in the “knowledge environment”: an environment in which it has become easy to know something, but harder to truly understand it in depth.
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Gibran Khalil Gibran: A Bridge of Light Between East and West (3/3)

As we have seen previously, Gibran Khalil Gibran was a multifaceted artist – at once poet, thinker, writer, and highly gifted painter. Although he is best known in the West for his literary work The Prophet , published in numerous languages, his pictorial work is equally remarkable and was recognized during his lifetime. “Art is the expression of thought through brush, chisel, pen, or song. It is the divine spark that burns within each of us.” “I would like to paint what lies at the very depths of the human heart.” Gibran showed an aptitude for drawing from childhood. In 1904, his first drawings were exhibited at Fred Holland Day’s studio in Boston, thanks to Mary Haskell, his mentor. In 1908, encouraged by her, he enrolled at the Académie Julian as well as in Auguste Rodin’s studio in Paris in order to refine his painting technique. This encounter with Rodin marked a turning point in his vision of the human body. Rodin himself compared Gibran to William Blake. Like Blake, Gibran illustrated his own texts, seeking to create a “total” work in which word and image echo one another. In Paris, he also studied under the painter Pierre Marcel-Béronneau, whose technical mastery and mystical inspirations he particularly admired. Gibran, the painter as much as Gibran the writer, represents a synthesis of two worlds: on one side, the United States and his Parisian academic training, and on the other, his Lebanese roots, steeped in the beauty and mystical spirituality of the Lebanese mountains. “Self Contemplate, 1914.” Oil on Canvas. (Gibran Khalil Gibran Museum) His Work Gibran was essentially self-taught. He produced a substantial body of artistic work. From the very beginning, his pieces were exhibited in prestigious galleries, including the Montross Gallery and M. Knoedler & Co. in New York. His Style: Mystical Symbolism “Art does not consist in copying reality, but in capturing the emotion that reality awakens in us.” Gibran’s pictorial work is an extension of his philosophy. His artworks are not meant to be merely looked at, but contemplated. Gibran’s style belongs to a romantic and spiritual symbolism that does not align with the artistic movements of his time, such as Cubism or Fauvism. He gives primacy to the human body, which he sees as the temple of the soul – “beauty in its purest state.” Through human forms, he seeks closeness to God and to reveal the unity of the universe. His figures, often nude, represent humanity in its original state of purity, stripped of social conventions. The bodies, with their blurred and ethereal outlines, seem to emerge from mist or dreamlike haze, suggesting the spirit’s liberation from matter. Gibran frequently uses muted tones, with gradients of brown, pale blue, and pinkish beige. His washes are light, almost transparent. He excels in pencil drawing, charcoal, and watercolor. His oil paintings retain the same diffuse softness, prioritizing emotion over realism. “The Sad Mona Lisa, 1914.” Oil on Canvas. (Gibran Khalil Gibran Museum) Where to See His Works? The largest collection is housed at the Gibran Museum in Bsharri, Lebanon. His works can also be seen in some of the most prominent American museums, including the Metropolitan Museum of Art in New York, the Museum of Fine Arts in Boston, the Newark Museum, as well as at Mathaf, in Qatar. The Gibran Museum The museum is located in Bsharri, his hometown, in the Qadisha Valley, within the former Mar Sarkis Monastery (Saint Sergius), a cave monastery whose origins date back to the 7th century. At the end of his life, Gibran expressed the wish to acquire this monastery as a retreat and, eventually, as his burial place. After his death, his sister Miriana, with the help of Mary Haskell, purchased the site to fulfill his wish. The museum, which officially opened its doors in 1975, spans sixteen rooms and houses Gibran’s tomb as well as more than 440 original works. It also preserves his personal belongings, private library, New York furniture, manuscripts, and, most notably, his Bible. The site is managed by the Gibran National Committee, which carefully safeguards and transmits his cultural legacy. “The Exiled from Love, 1914.” Oil on Canvas. (Gibran Khalil Gibran Museum) (Re)Discovering Gibran “When you reach the summit of the mountain, you will finally begin to climb.” The only way to (re)discover Gibran the painter is to visit his museum in Bsharri, to absorb the distinctive atmosphere of the site and the surrounding nature, and then to take time to contemplate his paintings in silence. As for the writer, one would need to obtain his complete works and read them gradually in their original language, savouring each word as though it were a precious nectar. “A little time, a moment of rest upon the wind, and another woman shall give me birth.” ( The Prophet ) Read more: Gibran Khalil Gibran: A Bridge of Light Between East and West (1/3) Gibran Khalil Gibran: A Bridge of Light Between East and West (2/3)

Jordan, Eighty Years After Independence
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Khairallah Khairallah
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It is no coincidence that the Hashemite Kingdom of Jordan, which celebrates on this twenty-fifth of May the eightieth anniversary of its independence, has become one of the cornerstones of Arab security, or of what remains of it. All the theories that had underestimated Jordan have ended up in the dustbin of history, for it has become clear that this country has never lost its regional role. Jordan has held firm despite all the internal tremors and storms it has weathered, and despite the profound upheavals the region has undergone. In 1921, the very year in which the Emirate of Transjordan was proclaimed, a conference was convened in Cairo bringing together the foremost figures of British policy under the chairmanship of Winston Churchill. Lawrence of Arabia was among those present, as were most of the British experts on Arab and Iraqi affairs and regional matters generally, Palestine above all. Foremost among these was Lady Gertrude Bell, then regarded as the most influential British figure in Iraq and the one who wielded the greatest sway over that country. It was Bell who drew the current map of Iraq and played a decisive role in bringing the Hashemites to Baghdad and crowning Faysal ibn Hussein as king. With the passage of years, it became apparent that the Cairo Conference, which had aimed to divide the region into spheres of influence between Britain and France, had proven, in terms of its results, a resounding failure on every level. Among the most striking manifestations of this failure were the bloody military coup that toppled the Iraqi monarchy in 1958 and, before that, the Suez War of 1956, which consecrated the decline of imperial Britain, the empire on which “the sun never set”… One of the notable features of the Cairo Conference was the underestimation of Prince Abdallah ibn Hussein, who was placed at the head of the Emirate of Transjordan and later became king in 1946, upon the proclamation of the independence of the Hashemite Kingdom of Jordan. Considering what befell Palestine and Iraq, Jordan may well be regarded as the sole true success story of the Cairo Conference, and that success story has held to this day, all the more so since the solidity of Jordanian institutions has proven itself beyond doubt, notably since 1952, when Hussein ibn Talal ascended the throne at the age of barely seventeen. The Cairo Conference of 1921, which best illustrates the failure of British policy in the region, is not the only event worth pausing over. The modern history of Jordan abounds in developments that merit attention, among them the decisive role played by Queen Zein el-Sharaf, mother of King Hussein, in imposing her son as sovereign despite his young age. King Hussein ibn Talal proved to be a singular phenomenon in the country’s history, succeeding a father afflicted with a mental illness that rendered him unfit to remain on the throne. Under Hussein ibn Talal’s reign, Jordan acquired, thanks to its institutions, a determining role at every level, despite all the upheavals and conspiracies that targeted it, from the rise of the Nasserist wave (after Gamal Abdel Nasser), which gave rise to a series of catastrophes including the military coup against the Iraqi monarchy in 1958, the Egyptian-Syrian union of February of that same year, and the Arab defeat of 1967, whose consequences continue to weigh on the region to this day. Jordan confronted all these events and storms with remarkable composure, beginning with its resistance to the alternative homeland project in 1970, when the Jordanian army faced the attempts of various Palestinian organizations to seize the kingdom, thereby protecting the Palestinians from themselves. This resistance was made possible by the cohesion between East Jordanians and the throne, a cohesion that has evolved in our time into a solidarity encompassing all the components of Jordanian society. The Palestinians, instructed by their own experiences, have become the most steadfast supporters of the Hashemite throne and King Abdallah II, who has never ceased, over many long years, to champion the two-state option, the only realistic choice for a settlement between Palestinians and Israelis, in the long run, that is, when the Israeli right abandons its illusions and when a Palestinian leadership worthy of the name rises to the level of events. In 2026, no one any longer underestimates Jordan, especially in light of the spirit of continuity that defines a kingdom which has known how to preserve itself at all times, in the face of Iraqi, Syrian, and Israeli turbulences. Jordan preserved itself by signing the Wadi Araba Accords with Israel in 1994, a step intimately linked to seizing the opportunity that had been opened by Yasser Arafat’s engagement with the Oslo Accords in the autumn of 1993. Continuity, illustrated notably by the caution Jordan has always exercised in its dealings with the “Islamic Republic” of Iran since its foundation, stands among this country’s most distinctive traits, a continuity that was confirmed by the serene transfer of power to King Abdallah II upon the death of Hussein ibn Talal in 1999. Whoever wagered on the fragility of the Hashemite Kingdom of Jordan wagered on a mirage, especially since Abdallah II has demonstrated his ability to play a leading role in Jordan and beyond its borders, including in the United States. The kingdom is today a state that plays a vital role in regional stability, despite all the conspiracies that have sought to undermine that role, and Jordan has become a haven for Syrian refugees and those from other countries, having long before that opened its arms to Palestinian refugees from every corner! Events attest daily to the manner in which Abdallah II has established himself as an indispensable actor in the region, while broadening domestic consensus around the monarchical institution. It has become clear that all talk of a decline in Jordan’s regional role verges on the absurd. The more time passes, the more apparent becomes the necessity of the Jordanian role in the face of all forms of extremism, whether that of the Muslim Brotherhood or that of the Iranian regime and its various instruments. More important than all of this, events demonstrate daily just how inseparable Gulf security is from the security of Jordan, and the security of Jordan, from that of the Gulf…

Iranian conflict: last-ditch negotiations
By
LevantTime .
Published

South Lebanon witnessed another escalation Tuesday night and again Wednesday, while at the regional level, Pakistan continues to quietly work to try to defuse a conflict that threatens to spiral out of control at any moment, given the exchange of threats between Washington and Tehran. The Israeli military conducted a series of deadly airstrikes and artillery attacks over the past twenty-four hours against numerous Hezbollah positions and infrastructure in villages and sites in southern Lebanon. According to the latest toll released by the Lebanese Ministry of Health, these attacks killed at least 20 people over the past 24 hours, including 13 alone in the village of Deir Qanoun el-Nahr. This figure is likely to rise as search efforts continued Wednesday through the rubble of targeted homes. The situation worsened Wednesday morning with nearly continuous raids on the pro-Iranian party's positions in the towns of Bint Jbeil and Nabatiyeh, while Hezbollah reported in a series of statements fierce ground clashes with forces in the border zone. The Israeli military announced in a statement that one of its officers was seriously wounded in a Hezbollah drone attack. A soldier was also slightly injured, according to the statement. This escalation of violence in South Lebanon dashed hopes for an easing desired by Beirut after the 45-day extension of the ceasefire, which had been negotiated in Washington. Toward a breakthrough in the Gulf? It comes just as Pakistan, a key mediator between Washington and Tehran, is attempting once again to reach a minimal compromise to allow talks to resume between the two capitals. Pakistani Interior Minister Mohsin Naqvi traveled for this purpose for the second time in less than a week to Tehran. This visit comes amid growing tensions between Tehran and Washington. Parliament Speaker Mohammad Bagher Ghalibaf, also Iran's chief negotiator at the Islamabad talks, warned that his country has prepared a "muscular response" to any new American or Israeli attack. The Revolutionary Guards also warned that war in the Middle East would extend "beyond the region" in case of attacks. Responding to questions from the press at the White House, U.S. President Donald Trump hinted that a resumption of strikes is still being considered if diplomatic efforts fail, which have been praised by Saudi Arabia. "We are in the final phase of talks with Iran. We'll see what happens. Either we reach a deal, or we hit hard. We hope that doesn't happen," he said, while stating he was opposed to any rush. "I'm not in a hurry," he declared. "Everyone talks about midterm elections, but I'm not in a hurry. Ideally, I'd prefer to see a small number of people killed rather than many," he added. Gaza flotilla: video sparks outrage President Trump also said he is on the same wavelength as Israeli Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu, who is currently facing a new crisis triggered by the forceful detention of "Gaza flotilla" activists. The conduct of his National Security Minister, Itamar Ben Gvir, who shared a video of himself with activists kneeling and bound after their detention, sparked outraged reactions in Europe and worldwide, despite criticism from Netanyahu and Foreign Minister Gideon Sa'ar. Foreign reactions were not long in coming. The treatment of detainees was deemed "inadmissible" by Rome, which demanded "an apology," "monstrous, unworthy and inhuman" by Madrid, "odious" by Ottawa. Dublin said it was "dismayed and shocked." France announced it had summoned the Israeli ambassador over the "inadmissible actions" of minister Ben Gvir, known for his provocative statements, as did Belgium, which judged the images "deeply disturbing." Germany, calling the episode "totally unacceptable." Turkey condemned the "barbaric mentality" of the Israeli government. British Foreign Secretary Yvette Cooper stated on X that these images "violate the most basic standards of respect and dignity regarding how people should be treated." U.S. Ambassador to Israel Mike Huckabee criticized "despicable acts." Putin in Beijing Away from the regional conflict, attention was focused on Wednesday on talks in Beijing between Chinese and Russian presidents Xi Jinping and Vladimir Putin, whose visit comes less than a week after President Trump's visit. The two countries stressed the need to return to dialogue and negotiations as soon as possible in the Middle East, according to the text of a joint statement published by the Kremlin, while Tehran announced it had authorized some fifty tankers flying the flag of "countries that coordinate with us" to cross the Strait of Hormuz.

Farouk al-Sharaa and “The Missing Narrative”

My experience with memoir literature has generally been unrewarding, and this holds particularly true for the first volume of the memoirs of former Syrian foreign minister Farouk al-Sharaa, entitled The Missing Narrative (Arab Center for Research and Policy Studies, 2015). From its lyrical, subjective, and impressionistic opening, the book appears to promise the reader a work of personal reflection, only to draw him into a reading of political history written with an unqualified bias toward the Assad regime and the figure of former Syrian president Hafez al-Assad. Assad between Political Mythology and Image-Making In al-Sharaa’s pages, Hafez al-Assad appears as a larger-than-life hero or a “Frankenstein of Damascus”: a man who hangs up on American president Ronald Reagan, forces Secretary of State James Baker to move the peace conference from Amsterdam to Madrid, while al-Sharaa himself is portrayed as the favored confidant, at the expense of former Syrian vice-president Abdel Halim Khaddam. This narrative construction offers no critical reading of power; it merely reproduces the official account. The Great Absences: Pivotal Events Outside the Text Major historical sequences, decisive for both Syrian and Lebanese history, are entirely absent from the memoirs, foremost among them: · the disappearance of Imam Moussa Sadr and his two companions; · the events of Hama in 1982; · the assassination of Lebanese leader Kamal Jumblatt; · the policy of “rural urbanization” through bureaucratic inflation of the public sector, a phenomenon analyzed in detail by academic Ziad Majed in his work Syria: The Orphaned Revolution . These omissions bear little resemblance to oversights; they reflect rather a deliberate choice to pass over the most problematic episodes in silence. The Obedient Minister Rather Than the Man of Experience In these pages, al-Sharaa grants himself no role other than that of the president’s “obedient minister”: a minister who executes Assad’s political transactions, presents himself as accommodating toward Yasser Arafat and as a negotiator facing Saddam Hussein, without ever building an independent personal narrative or submitting his political career to any form of introspection. Political Papers Rather Than Memoirs What al-Sharaa has written is closer to a detailed political dossier than to memoirs in any literary or human sense. One is reminded here of what former Lebanese president Amine Gemayel did when he set out his political positions in a documentary volume, without restoring to the reader the living texture of personal experience. A Comparison with the Traditions of Political Memoir Unlike the memoirs of major world political figures such as Henry Kissinger, which combine documentation with the construction of inner experience, al-Sharaa practices a deliberate policy of leaping over events and narrative circumvention, producing ultimately a subjective political history rather than a living biography of its author. Conclusion: Why Does the “Narrative” Remain Missing? In sum, The Missing Narrative resembles less a memoir than a belated political apologia for an era and a regime. The first volume thus fully merits its title: a narrative genuinely lost, and one that will likely remain so, which provides little incentive to read the second volume as long as the same approach prevails, one that consists in suppressing difficult questions rather than confronting them.

78 Years On, and the Nakba Continues…
By
Rami Rayess
Published

To commemorate the Palestinian Nakba as an annual ritual in which the memory of that land's dispossession from its original inhabitants, and its colonisation by the Israeli entity, is revisited does not truly convey that the Nakba is still ongoing — when in fact it is. As though this people had not suffered enough from displacement, destruction and defeat, the facts themselves are now transmuted into questions that appear legitimate in the eyes of public opinion while being, at their core, far removed from reality. Among these questions, widely in circulation across Western media — and in which any guest daring to defend the Palestinian cause finds themselves ensnared — is the following: “Do you recognise Israel’s right to exist?” The UN Special Rapporteur on the Palestinian Territories, Francesca Albanese, was perhaps the one who addressed this matter most shrewdly, when she replied: “Nobody asks Italy or Spain, or any other state in the world, to justify its right to exist!” Naturally, the question conceals an entirely different purpose: to divert attention from Palestinian rights, to suggest that Israel is forever on the side of the oppressed, and, above all, to bury the history attached to the Nakba of 1948 and to the forced expulsions that preceded it, through which hundreds of thousands of Palestinians were torn from their homes, their properties and their livelihoods, so that the Zionist movement might erect its project of a Jewish state on Palestinian land. The same question pursues an additional aim: to avert the gaze from what Israel accomplished in 1967 by expanding its occupation to new Arab territories, most notably East Jerusalem, the West Bank, the Syrian Golan and the Egyptian Sinai. While Israel withdrew from Sinai under the Camp David Accords concluded with Egypt in the late 1970s, it has formally annexed the Golan and not only refuses any withdrawal from the West Bank — the core of what would remain of the long-promised Palestinian state — but continues to plant settlements across it, generating facts on the ground that render the state project impossible, in addition to the political, military and legal impossibilities already bearing down upon it. Some, particularly among the states sympathetic to Israel, pay little heed to the fact that there are no official borders for a state that, within minutes of proclaiming its “birth” in 1948, obtained international recognition from the world’s most powerful nations. Leaving the question of borders deliberately vague is obviously not a political oversight but a premeditated choice, intimately connected to Zionist expansionist projects that show no signs of halting at the boundaries of 1948, nor perhaps even at the additional territories annexed after the 1967 war. It is true that the “international community” has failed, over decades, to compel Israel to honour the two-state project, yet even this broad heading has by now largely disappeared from international political discourse — and most markedly from American discourse, given the weight and global standing of the United States and its strategically unbreakable relationship with Israel. This sweeping political retreat has enabled Israel to resume its belligerent enterprises and to persist, with full deliberation, in rejecting every settlement proposal, from Madrid (1991) to the Arab Peace Initiative adopted at the Beirut Summit (2002), which enshrined the land-for-peace principle. As for the Oslo Accords (1993), Israeli political conduct aims to empty them of all substance, so that no real gains whatsoever accrue to the Palestinian people. Israeli preponderance of power, backed by uninterrupted American support, has allowed Israel to escape all accountability in spite of decades of deliberate killing, displacement and extermination, whose apex has been reached in Gaza and Lebanon. The arrest warrant issued against Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu, significant as it is in legal and symbolic terms, has remained a dead letter: the man has traveled abroad on multiple occasions since its issuance, carefully skirting the limited number of countries that declared they would proceed with his arrest should he pass through their territory. On the 78th anniversary of the Nakba, Palestine appears to stand at a historical crossroads. Armed resistance to the occupation has been answered with genocide; political negotiation has been blocked by Israel’s deliberate intransigence and has reached an absolute dead end for lack of any Israeli willingness to make progress in this direction. The internal Palestinian division further compounds this already difficult situation — a division over strategic choices, not over secondary or tactical questions. Yet it is impossible not to acknowledge that all attempts to circumvent the Palestinian question through regional agreements — whether through successive waves of normalisation from which Israel is, first and last, the sole beneficiary, or through the effort to reduce this question to a mere matter of property or economics — have failed. It has become plain that regional stability can only be achieved through a just and lasting resolution of the Palestinian question. The Nakba, undeniably, continues…

Trump changes his mind, Iran wants to shift tactics

After announcing on Monday that he had canceled a planned attack on Iran at the last minute, which was scheduled for the following day, US President Donald Trump threatened again on Tuesday to strike Iran if no agreement was reached. For its part, the Iranian military responded by threatening Washington to open "new fronts" if their attacks resume. From the White House, where he was showing journalists the construction site of the East Wing of the presidential headquarters, Trump reiterated that he hoped he would not have to wage war. "But we might have to give them another big blow. I'm not sure right now," he said. When asked how long he was willing to wait for Iran to come to the negotiating table, he remained vague: "two or three days, maybe Friday, Saturday, Sunday, something like that, maybe early next week". Donald Trump gave journalists a tour on Tuesday of the construction site of the future ballroom of the White House, while brushing off questions about the building's financing as well as the cost of living. (AFP) From Tehran, even as the suspension of strikes had already been announced, the Iranian military continued its threats, stating that it would "open new fronts" if strikes resumed. An article in the New York Times indicates that Iranian officials could consider new tactics if fighting resumes, such as seeking to control the Strait of Bab el-Mandeb, which controls the southern entrance to the Red Sea. This maritime passage, among the most strategic in the world, is bordered to the east by Yemen, where Houthi militias, allied with Iran, had repeatedly blocked the strait in retaliation for American strikes. The NYT adds that Iran has been able to prepare to launch a large number of missiles per day, noting that the initial strikes (before the ceasefire) had not been able to eradicate the missile launchers, which are located underground. This would explain the Gulf countries' fears of a resumption of hostilities. "We will fight Israeli agents just as we fight the Israelis themselves" In Lebanon, as the highly controversial general amnesty bill was being debated in Parliament, deputy Hassan Fadlallah, a recent prominent spokesman for Hezbollah, distinguished himself with a statement of rare virulence against Lebanese leaders, accompanied by an unprecedented threat. "We will fight Israeli agents exactly as we fight the Israelis themselves," he declared, without specifying what he meant by "agents". He indicated that his party "would not accept any new Antoine Lahd imposed by the Americans and Zionists, under whatever guise," in reference to the founder of the pro-Israeli militia from the 1980s. The Hezbollah deputy is clearly firing broadsides at the Lebanese-Israeli-American military cooperation set to begin on May 29 in Washington as part of negotiations, one of whose objectives would be the disarmament of Hezbollah. He is also taking aim at Lebanon's official efforts in direct negotiations with Israel, the latest round of which took place last week in Washington, arguing that these are "synonymous with surrender" and have "not even managed to produce a ceasefire". On the ground in southern Lebanon, the situation is deteriorating. Despite the extension of the ceasefire for 45 days since last Friday. For the first time, evacuation orders have reached the city of Nabatiyé and a dozen other villages. And the death toll since March 2 has exceeded 3,000, with the number of wounded exceeding 9,300. Israeli forces have kidnapped three Lebanese people in the Hasbaya region. According to the National News Agency, they set up a checkpoint, arrested these three individuals, and confiscated the phones of several others present at the scene. Meanwhile, Syria was hit by a terrorist attack on Tuesday that killed one soldier and wounded 12 others in Damascus. Syrian authorities regularly complain about attempts to destabilize the country, but the perpetrators of this attack remain unknown.