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Massive explosion caused by an Israeli strike near the town of Al-Mansouri in southern Lebanon. (AFP)
Weekly essentials
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By LevantTime .
Published Sep 6, 2026 - 23:27
While the United States had appeared to be relying solely on economic warfare against Iran, the US military abruptly carried out strikes on Iranian territory on Tuesday in retaliation for attacks targeting oil tankers, setting off a spiral of violence over the course of the week. In Lebanon, Israel released several civilians held in its prisons, while its army seized the strategic Ali el-Taher hill and continued its heavy strikes in the area it controls in the south of the country. The week from August 31 to September 6 was marked by a sharp acceleration of events in the Middle East, after the previous one had seemed defined by relative stagnation. On the Iranian front, the US military carried out targeted strikes inside Iranian territory as early as Tuesday evening, the first in nearly a month. This screen grab, made on September 6, 2026 from undated video footage released the same day by US Central Command, shows what CENTCOM says is one of the Iranian oil tankers it destroyed in response to attempted missile attacks on naval vessels. (CENTCOM via AFP) However, the relatively limited pace of the strikes suggests that the US administration has opted for an escalation that remains controlled, while continuing its blockade and economic pressure on Tehran. Even so, tensions continued to rise throughout the week. Explosions were heard on Saturday on the highly strategic island of Kharg, through which most of Iran’s oil exports pass. US President Donald Trump, for his part, threatened to strike the Kuh-e Kolang nuclear site — “Pickaxe Mountain” in Persian — a heavily fortified facility located deep underground, not far from Natanz, Iran’s main uranium-enrichment site. Earlier in the week, he had enshrined the “tanker for tanker” equation, pledging to target an Iranian vessel every time the Islamic Revolutionary Guard Corps struck an oil tanker in the Strait of Hormuz. That is precisely what the US military did on Saturday, setting two Iranian vessels ablaze. Politically, Donald Trump further hardened his tone toward Tehran. After saying in an interview that talks had been permanently frozen “because an agreement with them is not worth the paper it is written on,” he said on Saturday that the “conflict” with Iran was not a “war,” but “something ordinary” for the United States. A way of rattling the Iranians while at the same time reassuring the US public ahead of the midterm elections. A port, along with storage facilities and warehouses, was damaged following a US military strike carried out on September 6, 2026 in Iran’s southern Hormozgan province, which borders the Strait of Hormuz. (AFP) At the same time, the US news outlet Axios published a report on Saturday suggesting that the United States is already looking beyond this conflict, which began on February 28. Citing US officials and other informed sources, the outlet said the Trump administration is developing a broader strategy for the post-war Middle East. According to the report, it would be based on creating a regional alignment aimed at containing Iran, bringing an end to the regional fallout from Hamas’s October 7, 2023 attacks in Gaza, and expanding the circle of normalization between Israel and countries in the region. The threat against Kuh-e Kolang, which brings the Iranian nuclear issue back to the fore, echoes an announcement by the International Atomic Energy Agency (IAEA), which said on September 1 that Iran had still not reopened its sites to inspectors following the strikes of May 2025. It should be recalled that despite the scale of the Israeli-American offensive against Iranian sites, it is almost certain that the stockpile of enriched uranium remains intact and has been moved to a safe location by the Iranian authorities, which remain committed to what they consider their right to develop a nuclear program. Following the IAEA announcement, the United States, together with France, Britain and Germany, said they intended to submit a resolution to the UN Security Council condemning Iran’s failure to comply with its non-proliferation commitments. This display of unity stands in contrast to the chill that has prevailed between Washington and its European allies since the beginning of the conflict. For their part, the Iranians appear to be responding to the upheaval in much the same way as before: by striking neighboring countries, notably Kuwait, the United Arab Emirates and Jordan, without directly targeting Israel. Heavy strikes in southern Lebanon On the Lebanese front, Israel is intensifying its destruction operations in villages in the south, even using explosive barrels in some cases. Lebanese President Joseph Aoun urged Washington and the international community to “put an end” to Israeli attacks on Lebanese territory, which killed seven people on Sunday against the backdrop of a fragile truce. The strikes hit several localities in the Nabatiyeh region. Twenty people were also wounded, including children, according to the Health Ministry. One strike also destroyed the former Ghandour hospital, which had been out of service for years. Release of detainees and capture of Ali el-Taher But the major event of the week in the south was the Israeli capture of the strategic Ali el-Taher hill in the Nabatiyeh region. The site served as a major Hezbollah headquarters, consisting of an extensive network of tunnels from which fighters from the Shiite party operated, along with, according to some reports, Iranian fighters. On Thursday evening, the Israelis announced that they had taken control of the complex. On Sunday, Israeli Defense Minister Israel Katz said that tunnels still had to be blown up. This military “success” may not have come as a surprise after weeks of bombardment, but Hezbollah’s reaction was more unexpected. After long insisting that it would refuse to give up this strategic hill — as had the Iranians, who had also threatened to intervene — the Shiite party ultimately sought to play down the significance of the development through its media outlets and allied networks, without officially confirming the loss of the site, which it had refused to preserve by handing it over to the Lebanese army. The other major surprise of the week was Israel’s release of five Lebanese and Syrian civilians held in its prisons. The move came following a visit to Tel Aviv by US Ambassador to Lebanon Michel Issa. According to the Israeli prime minister’s office, Thursday’s announcement “follows efforts by Israel and Lebanon to locate and repatriate the remains of leaders of the Jewish community who had been abducted and killed in Lebanon” between 1984 and 1986. Here too, Hezbollah’s reaction raises questions. While describing the move as positive but insufficient, the party once again turned on the Lebanese authorities, accusing them of “submission to the enemy” and holding them “responsible” for the disaster in the south. It even warned them against “internal conflicts.” Could the party’s military setbacks push it to turn increasingly toward the domestic front? Finally, the Israeli army made an important statement on Sunday, saying it was considering reducing its occupation zone in southern Lebanon, moving from the current “yellow zone” to a “grey zone.” Such a development would, according to this assessment, reflect a reduced threat from Hezbollah. The measure has not yet been approved by Israel’s political leadership. Yemen and Palestine The week was also particularly tense in Yemen, where clashes between Houthi rebels and government forces continued to intensify, culminating in an especially deadly Saturday in which more than 60 people were killed in a single day, bringing the death toll since Thursday to around 200. The Houthi offensive is aimed in particular at taking control of areas bordering the Bab el-Mandeb passage, which would give this Iranian ally additional leverage over another major strategic chokepoint after the Strait of Hormuz. In Palestine, particularly troubling comments by Israel Katz on Gaza marked the week. He claimed, without providing evidence, that most of the territory’s residents wanted to leave, stressing that Israel was “ready for such an evacuation” on a mass scale. A sign that the ordeal of Gaza’s residents may be far from over. Finally, it is worth noting that the IAEA announced on September 1 that facilities discovered in Deir el-Zor, Syria, indicate that Bashar al-Assad’s former regime had secretly been preparing an advanced nuclear program that could have led to the production of an atomic weapon with the help of North Korean experts.
Homage
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By Michel Hajji Georgiou - Published Sep 6, 2026 - 13:31
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The Argentine player, who brought his international career to an end on August 31, 2026, was nothing less than a magician of the stadiums. His journey, made of wonders, falls and redemption, may tell us something about our undiminished need for enchantment in a world that nevertheless claims to have rid itself of it. Announced a few weeks after the 2026 World Cup final lost to Spain, Lionel Messi’s international retirement inevitably stirred an emotion for which it is difficult to find many equivalents in the recent history of football. One would probably have to go back to Maradona, or perhaps to Cruyff or Pelé, to recover that sense that, with the retirement of a player, something disappears that extends far beyond the sport itself, as though a certain way of inhabiting football, perhaps even of believing in it, were also coming to an end. Far from the glacis of reason Enough of the endless statistics and the unbearable, tedious and sterile quarrels over “who is the greatest of all time.” The author of these lines has never been a fanatic of the round ball, nor, for that matter, of vertical rankings or hierarchies of merit in general, and consequently appreciates the talent of each player with the same sense of wonder as an eleven-year-old child. Besides, this particularly contemporary obsession with numbers ruins all the pleasure of the spectacle. And with good reason: the approach that consists in adding up goals, assists, Ballons d’Or, Champions Leagues, Copa América titles, World Cups… can only be reductive. On another register, it is not entirely unrelated to German-American philosopher Eric Voegelin’s critique of the modern Gnostic temptation: that of a form of knowledge convinced that it can imprison reality within a system and abolish whatever resists it. Records are probably one indicator of Lionel Messi’s genius. Yet so many other great players who made stadiums and hearts tremble, without achieving half of what he did, nevertheless remain eternal in our memories. What made them truly singular lies elsewhere, far from the glacis of reason. Something else was at work around them. Something belonging to a certain profound sense of transcendence that understanding can never fully grasp. This has been true of Lionel Messi for more than twenty years, since the day when, under the gaze of the “icon” Diego Maradona, he made his first appearance, in June 2006, on the World Cup stage in the colors of the Albiceleste against Serbia and Montenegro. That ineffable element that constitutes Messi’s genius, as it does that of others, may indeed touch upon one of modernity’s strangest paradoxes: the persistence of magic in a world that has constructed itself precisely against it. The disenchanted world Max Weber used the expression “disenchantment of the world” to describe the slow process by which Western modernity gradually subjected existence to rationalization, calculation, predictability and causal explanation. The world was no longer supposed to be traversed by obscure powers, signs, supernatural interventions or invisible wills; it was, at least in principle, to become intelligible. Unfortunately, modern sport, and more broadly the modern world inherited from globalization, fits perfectly within this dynamic. Today’s football, and not football alone, is probably one of the most quantified objects imaginable. The slightest gesture is measured, and everything is carefully calculated and modeled. From mathematics to artificial intelligence, raw talent now depends more on science than on enchantment. What is human in its spontaneous, even wild, relationship with the invisible that springs from the heart is disappearing before our eyes, in favor of the squaring of the VAR circle. It is, in a sense, the murder of sport in the name of greater rigor and fairness… even though the euthanasia of this share of sublime spontaneity ultimately produces glaring injustices of its own. One need only revisit some of the controversial decisions of the 2026 World Cup to see it. Paradox of paradoxes, Lionel Messi was himself, at the outset, a child of this technical modernity, to which he certainly owes part of his exceptional career. His body, too small by expected standards, was corrected through hormone treatment. Identified very early, his talent was taken in hand by an institution that organized his training, nutrition, physical development and integration into an already globalized sporting machine. Nothing, in appearance, could have been further removed from the old heroic narrative. At first sight, the story seems closer to dystopias in the vein of Gattaca than to myths and messianic narratives. And yet the old narrative did indeed return, and with an almost embarrassing insistence. Since the beginning of his career, Lionel Messi has been placed under the microscope. But the more people labored to explain and demystify him, the less they succeeded in entirely dissipating the impression produced by some of his gestures. The man simply cannot be circumscribed and reduced to an accumulation of data. At an age when most great players retreat into the shadows, he continues to surprise. To astonish, even, by bringing to sport that element of the senseless which escapes the quasi-robotic hypersystematization of the world. It is probably there that one must seek this elsewhere that characterizes Messi. In the survival of magic at a time when even the spaces that once allowed the positive expression of a humanity made of flesh and blood are gradually being “disciplined” by the hypnotic attraction of a new puritanical Gnosis in the name of modernity. The Messiah made by the machine Although he emerged, in a sense, from the machinery of the Matrix, Lionel Messi constitutes in himself a challenge to this ready-to-wear model. A kind of alter ego of Neo from The Matrix, thrown into a simulation governed by parameters that claim to calculate everything. The Argentine’s destiny gradually took on, almost despite himself, the form of a messianic narrative. The pun on his name would be too easy had it not been ceaselessly revived by his own story: that of the fragile child whose body seemed intent on denying him the fulfillment to which his talent destined him. Then that of exile at a very young age to Barcelona, adoption by a foreign city, an almost unreal ascent, worldwide recognition, followed by this strange difficulty in being recognized by his own… For a long time, Argentina maintained a relationship of hainamoration with its prodigal child. His results, his talent, his brilliance mattered little… he still had to answer one merciless question: why wasn’t he Maradona? The comparison was admittedly inevitable, but it was also profoundly unfair. Everything separated the two men in their way of being in the world. Maradona carried Argentina with everything in it that was passionate, contradictory, excessive and theatrical. He spoke, provoked, fought, fell, returned, mingled football with his private life, his anger, his political commitments… all the way to his own destruction. His very body seemed to become one of the places where the contradictions of his country were played out. Maradona was the very incarnation of what the world expected from football: a rebellious soul, sometimes pushing the game to the point of immorality, but within a kind of footballing gigantomachy. Maradona was epic. And, above all, he had placed his country at the summit of world football in 1986. Messi offered none of that. He was silent, at times almost absent from the story others were constructing around him, an absence long interpreted as a flaw. Almost erased, devoid of personality. That, moreover, was what the two giants Maradona and Pelé reproached him for: a lack of leadership, being too smooth. A kind of miracle test-tube baby of the stadiums. The boy from Rosario was also criticized for not singing the anthem loudly enough, for not being Argentine enough, for having been “manufactured” by Barcelona, and then, naturally, for failing to win with the national team what he won almost continuously with his club. The unfulfilled prophecy The dramatic loss to Germany in the 2014 World Cup final, followed by the Copa América finals of 2015 and 2016, had gradually transformed that suspicion into an accusation. When he missed his penalty against Chile in 2016 and subsequently announced that he was leaving the national team, he was nevertheless already one of the greatest players in football history. Yet his story remained strangely unfinished. The sense of incompletion had little to do with his honors. It concerned instead that quasi-archaic necessity continually imposed upon modern heroes: to bring their initiatory journey to completion. In Argentina’s colors, Messi shone, then fell heavily. But he did not rise again. He did not fulfill the prophecy. And, in the eyes of his people, this reinforced the sense of hainamoration: a fallen god remains a god, after all. But with the added burden of what his worshippers regard as an intolerable substratum of humanity and, therefore, something perfectly detestable: his flaws, his weaknesses. Argentines loved Maradona despite his spectacular downfall and his fallible humanity. But that was because he had “earned” the right to such a downfall, because it had somehow become acceptable after Mexico 1986. Messi, by contrast, did not yet have the right to fall, because he had not yet reached the summit. No, the prophecy had not been fulfilled. It was even becoming a caricature. So Messi returned. But he still had to wait for his redemption. It took the 2021 Copa América at the Maracanã for this relationship of suspicion, expectation and disappointment with his public and his people truly to begin changing. And above all it took the 2022 World Cup for the story to acquire that almost excessively perfect form that no one would have dared write without appearing to indulge in a screenwriter’s contrivance. Strangely, Maradona had died in 2020. It was as though a kind of oppressive national curse had been lifted. At the same time, the Argentine people needed a substitute father figure, and the pressure was thereby only redoubled. But perhaps mixed with a little tenderness this time? What happened in Qatar in 2022 is all the more interesting because Messi himself appeared slightly different. He protested more, answered provocations, lost his temper, spoke with a violence of which few had thought him capable, and even let slip that now famous “¿Qué mirás, bobo?” at the Dutch, to Argentina’s amusement. Buenos Aires finally discovered, belatedly, what it had always expected from him. A little Maradona in a great deal of Messi. But Messi did not become Maradona. And perhaps that was precisely where the true reconciliation occurred: Argentina stopped asking him to be. From 2022 onward, Messi no longer needed to embody another model of national genius. For his country too, he could finally become what he had already been everywhere else: Messi. Simply. The final act of the prophecy Granted, the triumph of 2022 could have constituted a perfect ending. But, as with Maradona, the final act of heroic prophecy is the fall. No one really expected anything extraordinary from Messi anymore in 2026. At 39, he was widely regarded as one of the “tired heroes.” The fall from the Capitol had come with the bitter episode of his departure from FC Barcelona and his misadventure at PSG. He was now playing only in the American league, in Miami’s colors… on the periphery of the footballing world, in the distant lands of soccer. And the new generation was already there, ready to send its ancestors off to Bicêtre. Yet this 2026 World Cup, which seemed destined to be nothing more than an epilogue, turned into one last sensational blaze of glory. Argentina reached the final once again, with Messi, at 39, restored as its “historic leader” and its recourse in decisive moments, achieving something not unlike what Roberto Baggio had done for Italy in 1994, at… 27: a perpetual deus ex machina. Baggio failed at the gates of triumph against Brazil after practically carrying Italy all the way to Pasadena. His penalty, sent over the crossbar, would leave behind one of the cruelest images in World Cup history: a man standing motionless, head bowed, hands on his hips, while Brazil celebrated its victory. The man who had “died standing.” The Italian imp never knew apotheosis. Yet this symbolic death, far from erasing his tournament, eventually became part of his legend. History was kinder to Messi, despite a campaign of hatred directed at him, mixed with accusations of cheating and favoritism, against a backdrop of controversial refereeing decisions and acts of unsporting conduct by his team, just as it had once been with Maradona. Kinder still, in fact. A final in a sixth World Cup on the verge of retirement, capped by an outstanding individual performance? That is precisely where the magic of the Messi phenomenon lies, and where it defies reason and its avalanche of statistics. Genius cannot be imprisoned within a sum of parameters and variables. Even optimal physical condition cannot by itself explain what the entire world witnessed. And what does it matter if his story reminds us that the hero, however mythical, cannot abolish the sinister influence of Saturn. The re-enchantment of the world For beyond the prophecy fulfilled, from ascent to fall, with its share of happiness and misfortune, the Argentine offered the world one final lap that belongs to art, if not to a form of Homeric poetry. With Lionel Messi’s withdrawal from the international stage, a little of the world’s magic disappears… until another providential hero returns to enchant the stadiums. For more than twenty years, Messi embodied the coexistence of two worlds we had thought incompatible: that of the extreme rationalization of modern sport and that, far older, of the hero, the sign, expectation and enchantment. When Messi leaves, something of this contradiction suddenly becomes visible. Other prodigies have already emerged, but perhaps, at the very moment when one of its last great representatives leaves the stage, we discover just how much we continue to need transcendence. The modern world has therefore probably not abolished enchantment. It has merely displaced it. For ninety minutes at a time, this man called Lionel Messi, who embodied it on football pitches, now leaves after having accomplished everything. And even more.
Analyze

Have We Become Stupider?

Or Are We Experiencing a Transformation in the Structure of Knowledge?
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By Mona Fayad - Published Sep 5, 2026 - 20:01
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The question “Has the world become stupider?” frequently returns in contemporary debates about digital media, search engines, and social networks. On the surface, it seems simple. Yet behind it lies a deeper issue concerning the very nature of knowledge: how it is produced, how it is transmitted, and how it is consumed. Perhaps “Have we become stupider?” is not the most accurate question. A better one might be: Is knowledge still being transmitted in a way that allows it to be understood and made productive? Do most readers still go back to the original texts? Or do they turn instead to summaries and to what is said about those texts through material circulating among readers? One key to understanding this phenomenon lies in the work of British psychologist Frederic Bartlett, who conducted a series of experiments in the 1930s on what he called “serial reproduction.” In these experiments, one person would be asked to hear a story and then retell it to someone else, who would in turn retell it to a third person, and so on. The results were striking: with each new transmission, the story was not conveyed as it had originally been told, but was reformulated. Some details were omitted, others were exaggerated, and still others were replaced by elements that better suited the recipient’s background, experience, and culture. By the time the chain had passed through enough people, the original story had become something entirely different. This simple model reveals a fundamental truth: memory is not a neutral container, but a mechanism of reconstruction. When knowledge passes through multiple intermediaries, it is not “preserved” but “reproduced.” Here we begin to see the resemblance to our contemporary world, and with it the fear that we may be becoming stupider. In the age of digital media, knowledge no longer travels through oral transmission, but through chains of mediation: an article is summarized, then quoted, then reposted as a short post, before being further reduced to a sentence or a headline. In this context, we might borrow a metaphor that appeared in a journalistic text: a library whose books are gradually replaced by summaries, then by summaries of summaries, until the reader is left facing layer upon layer of reduction. We might call this the “raccoon chain”: the raccoon does not read the original, but rummages through what remains of it. It is worth clarifying that the choice of the “raccoon” is not arbitrary. The metaphor symbolically condenses a cognitive condition that is becoming increasingly entrenched. This animal, which lives on the fringes of cities and rummages through garbage bins, does not produce its own food but feeds on the leftovers of what others have produced. Despite its practical intelligence and its ability to pry things apart, pick through them, and seize what is useful, it does not understand what lies before it. It treats things simply as material available for immediate use. This is what knowledge begins to look like in an age of serial reduction: texts are shortened, then shortened again, until all that remains are scraps of meaning, rearranged and circulated without any genuine connection to their source. At that point, we have not merely moved away from the original. We have entered a new phase in the production of information or knowledge, in which the cognitive actor is no longer a reader or a thinker, but a collector of fragments of meaning who redistributes them in forms designed for rapid consumption. “Raccoon culture,” then, is not merely a description of superficiality. It is an accurate description of the degradation of the knowledge chain itself: from creation to summary, from understanding to formal processing, from ideas to something resembling only their faded trace. Yet this phenomenon cannot be understood apart from the technological structure that governs it. Here Marshall McLuhan becomes relevant, with his famous formulation: “The medium is the message.” The problem lies not only in content, but also in the form through which that content is transmitted. Contemporary digital media do not simply convey information. They reshape it according to the logic of speed, condensation, and fragmentation. Long texts become unsuitable for consumption, while an idea becomes acceptable only if it can be compressed into a few shareable lines. This transformation produces a striking paradox: we live in a time when access to knowledge is no longer difficult. It is excessively easy. And with that excessive ease comes what might be called a “cognitive illusion”: reading a brief passage or a quick summary can be enough to make a person feel that they have grasped an idea. Yet this feeling of possession is not necessarily accompanied by deep understanding, or by the ability to reconstruct or critique that knowledge. This is where we encounter what might be called the “semi-educated”: people who possess the signs of knowledge but not its structure, its vocabulary but not its internal logic. The problem becomes even more complex when viewed through the lens of attention. Instead of remaining in a state of sustained concentration, as in traditional reading or prolonged reflection, the mind now exists under continuous informational bombardment: notifications, clips, headlines, and successive waves of content. This does not merely fragment attention. It reshapes it according to a logic of constant jumping between short units of meaning, rather than the gradual and cumulative construction of an idea. I am reminded here of a joke that we used to tell and that was widely circulated during the days of popular demonstrations. It vividly illustrates the process of reduction and reshaping of content. After the occupation of Palestine, many popular demonstrations took to the streets chanting, “Down with the Balfour Declaration!” The joke was that by the end of the demonstration, the slogan had become, in Arabic, “Let one fall from above,” a completely different phrase that retained something of the original slogan’s rhythm and sound. This image may help bring us closer to what happens in everyday language when knowledge is transformed into short messages that are collectively repeated. A demonstration begins with a precise political slogan. Through repetition, collective immersion, and sonic rhythm, it gradually turns into a completely different formula. The new version may preserve the rhythm and emotional charge of the original, while losing its meaning and original significance. What remains is no longer the meaning, but the emotional energy of the phrase. Here, in another form, we encounter what Bartlett observed: what matters is not merely what was said, but how it was retold and how it was reinterpreted within a changing social context. If we bring these strands together, we might say that what we are experiencing today is not so much a “collapse of intelligence” as a transformation in the conditions under which intelligence operates. The human mind has not changed radically, but the environment in which it functions has changed profoundly: from an environment that allowed slow accumulation to one that imposes the rapid and fragmented reproduction of knowledge. This transformation creates a permanent tension between two kinds of thinking: reflective thought, which requires time, and rapid thought, which demands an immediate response. Seen in this light, the question “Have we become stupider?” is partly misleading. It may be more accurate to say that we are increasingly exposed to conditions that make deep thinking less stable, or less possible, and knowledge more vulnerable to fragmentation and recycling. As for stupidity, if the term can be used, it may not be a quality of the mind at all, but rather a side effect and a characteristic of the cultural structure that has emerged. It is a technology that reshapes our relationship with the world. Thus, rather than seeing this as a decline in human capacities, we might understand it as a transformation in the “knowledge environment”: an environment in which it has become easy to know something, but harder to truly understand it in depth.
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When the Druze Say: “Enough… It’s Time to Go for Peace”

In Druze jargon, there is a phrase people use at moments of transition: “Enough… it’s time to go offer congratulations.” In another context, the same instinct may take the form of: “It’s time to go pay our condolences.” It is not merely a social courtesy. It is a political reflex shaped by history. It means that one moment has ended, another has begun, and those who understand the world as it is — not as they wish it to be — must act accordingly. The Druze have long been sensitive to political change. Geography taught them this. History reinforced it. Survival made it instinctive. They do not always need official declarations from capitals to know that the wind has shifted. Often, they sense it before others do. This is why the recent poll numbers showing broad Druze support for negotiations, and even for a peace agreement with Israel, should not be as surprising as many have made them out to be. The surprise is not that the Druze are open to a new political course. The surprise is that they have said openly what many Lebanese privately understand: the old language of permanent war has exhausted itself. According to the numbers, 72 percent of Druze respondents supported direct negotiations between Lebanon and Israel, including a majority who supported them strongly. Even more striking, 84.2 percent supported the idea of a peace agreement if signed by the Lebanese president and government, while 80.7 percent supported contact between the Lebanese president and Netanyahu. These are not marginal figures. They suggest a clear political mood: the Druze public is not waiting for ideological permission to recognize that Lebanon needs a way out. But these numbers should not be misread. Druze support for negotiation is not necessarily love for Israel, nor is it a surrender of memory, sovereignty, or national dignity. It is a pragmatic response to a collapsing reality. The same figures show a community that overwhelmingly links stability to the return of the state, the strengthening of the army, and the end of Hezbollah’s monopoly over decisions of war and peace. Druze respondents gave the Lebanese army and its commander one of the highest positive ratings, at 93 percent, and 77.2 percent supported disarming Hezbollah. They also registered one of the harshest views of Iran’s role in Lebanon, with 93 percent describing it negatively. Taken together, the message is coherent. The Druze are not simply saying “peace with Israel.” They are saying: restore the state, restore the army, restore decision-making, and end the open-ended war that has consumed Lebanon. This is where Hezbollah and its allies deliberately distort the debate. They want to collapse every distinction: peace becomes normalization, negotiation becomes surrender, and the return of state authority becomes defeat. In their vocabulary, any attempt to pull Lebanon out of the logic of endless confrontation is treason. Any discussion of Lebanese interests is betrayal. Any proposal to restore the state’s exclusive right to decide war and peace is treated as a conspiracy. But the truth is far simpler. For the Lebanese state to negotiate under clear sovereign conditions does not mean Lebanon is kneeling. It may mean the opposite: that Lebanon is finally standing up after decades in which its national decision has been confiscated. The Druze appear to understand this moment. They are not more pro-Israel than others, and they are not less attached to Lebanon, Palestine, or Arab concerns. But historically, they have been among the Lebanese communities most alert to the difference between a slogan that protects and a slogan that endangers. They know when language becomes detached from reality. They know when resistance turns from national defense into a structure of domestic domination. They know when the cost of pretending becomes greater than the cost of changing course. That is why their position should be read as pragmatic, not ideological. It is a vote to stop the war, not to erase history. A vote to protect Lebanon, not to whitewash Israel. A vote to restore the state, not to celebrate normalization. And yet, this Druze public mood seems ahead of much of the traditional Druze political leadership. That hesitation is understandable to a degree. The leadership carries the trauma of Lebanon’s wars, regional betrayals, assassinations, shifting alliances, and broken promises. It suffers from a kind of historical whiplash. Every sharp turn in Lebanon can carry a price, and every advanced position can be exploited, distorted, or punished. But caution is one thing. Paralysis is another. Politics is not only memory. It is also the ability to recognize the future as it arrives. If a large part of the Druze public is saying that the time has come to escape the captivity of war, then its leadership cannot simply manage fear. It must help shape a serious national position: no peace outside the state, no negotiations outside sovereignty, and no decision of war or peace outside constitutional institutions. Here, however, the greater responsibility falls on the Lebanese State. The Lebanese people are not being asked to rush emotionally toward peace. They are not being asked to forget occupation, blood, displacement, or the Palestinian cause. But if negotiations are on the table, the state has a duty to explain why peace can be a Lebanese interest. It must explain what Lebanon stands to gain, what guarantees are required, what happens to occupied Lebanese territory, what role the army would play, and how any agreement would protect sovereignty rather than undermine it. Peace cannot be sold as a vague transaction. It requires a national argument. It requires a state willing to confront the machinery of intimidation and stupidity that insists on calling every diplomatic option “normalization” and every exit from war “defeat.” Ending war is not defeat. The real defeat is for Lebanon to remain suspended between a war it cannot win and a peace it is not allowed to discuss. The real defeat is for Lebanese citizens to die, emigrate, lose their savings, lose their homes, and lose their future in defense of formulas they are forbidden from questioning. The real defeat is for a country to have a state in name, but not in authority. Victory, by contrast, may lie in Lebanon finally deciding that its national interest is not a footnote in other people’s calculations. It may lie in saying that the south is protected by the Lebanese state, not by permanent instability. That dignity is not measured by the number of open fronts, but by the ability of a country to protect its people, land, economy, and institutions. Seen from this angle, the Druze numbers are not an anomaly. They are an early warning. A small community, long practiced in surviving storms, is telling Lebanon that an era is ending. This does not mean that peace is easy, guaranteed, or without risks. It does not mean that Israel should be trusted blindly, or that Lebanese fears are illegitimate. But it does mean that war can no longer be treated as sacred, and peace can no longer be treated as a crime. Perhaps the Druze, in their own way, have said what the Lebanese state still fears to say: enough. It is time to go, not to congratulate Israel, but to congratulate Lebanon if it can reclaim its state. It is time for peace to stop being treated as an accusation, and for war to stop being treated as destiny. It is time for someone to explain to the Lebanese that ending war, when decided by the state and protected by sovereignty, is not normalization with the enemy so much as it is normalization with the idea that Lebanon deserves to live.

Torture, the very essence of the fallen Syrian regime!

One could almost marvel at the array of torture instruments featured in the repertoire of Syrian prisons! For the various branches of the mukhabarat had not been idle during more than fifty years of prolonged dictatorship. To exercise their perverse talents, extract confessions from their victims, and above all intimidate the population, Baathist torturers could choose between the “doulab,” the “‘abd al-aswad,” and the “bisat al-rih.” It is difficult to rank these ordeals, but the second on the list was so perverse that Amnesty International described it in its 1984 Report in the following terms: “The victim, bound, is seated on a device which, when switched on, inserts a heated metal blade into the anus.” Take careful note of that date and consider who was in power in Damascus at the time. For there are still some in Lebanon who are nostalgic for the regime of Hafez al-Assad and who, in an effort to enhance the prestige of this autocrat, go so far as to disparage the performance of his son Bashar, whom they believe failed to live up to the mission entrusted to him by his father. The East German Stasi as coach! A preliminary observation: the various branches of the mukhabarat, pillars of the regime established in Damascus, were supervised—if not trained—by the infamous East German Stasi. And this lasted from the 1960s until the fall of the Berlin Wall! Yet here the difference in culture between the two intelligence and repressive services became apparent (1). Indeed, Stasi agents believed that their Syrian counterparts had adopted a model of spectacular and systematic torture and that their modus operandi was characterized by unrestrained brutality and “immediate sadistic violence.” They themselves, as refined artists from the banks of the Spree and the Elbe, preferred “psychological destruction, surveillance, and blackmail.” This shows that even by East German standards, the methods of the Assad clan were excessively ferocious, gratuitous, and unnecessary. In this regard, the archives of the political police of the so-called German Democratic Republic, examined by researchers and academics, suggest how much “Syrian praxis” was driven by vindictive, clan-based, and sectarian logics that did not exist behind the Iron Curtain (2). Torture as the regime’s identity marker Not only were the detainees in agony, but so too was an entire people—a people in whom every form of opposition and every inclination toward dissent had to be crushed through terror and intimidation. In January 2025, drawing on more than 2,000 testimonies, the United Nations Commission of Inquiry on Syria published a report entitled “The Web of Agony,” denouncing the systematic practice of torture by the ruling authorities. Giving free rein to their instincts, this is what the perpetrators of these dirty deeds inflicted: “Beatings, electric shocks, burns, the ripping out of fingernails, rape and other forms of sexual violence, denial of medical care, and psychological torture.” And this says nothing of arbitrary detention and mass executions. The Damascus trials or the hour of judgment A page has been turned! Survivors of the Syrian prison regime are now speaking freely on social media. Soon, courtroom hearings will take over from podcasts in recounting the horrors committed in detention centers. Of the Baath Party in Syria as in Iraq, only oppression, terror, and crimes will be remembered. It was certainly not during the eras of Saddam or the Assads that freedoms had any chance to flourish! And just as one can never imagine Hitler without Auschwitz-Birkenau, nor Stalin without the gulag, one can scarcely evoke Hafez or Bashar without the infamous torture ! John O. Koehler, “Stasi: The Untold Story of the East German Secret Police,” Basic Books, 1999. Sophia Hoffmann, “Intelligence Fields: The Relations of the East German Stasi and Syrian Mukhabarat” (1960–1990), Leibniz-Zentrum Moderner Orient Publications, Berlin.

Diplomatic pressure: missions multiply in Iran

On Friday, Iran had still not met American conditions for resuming negotiations with Washington, which is displaying cautious optimism about a possible breakthrough. Global stock markets were indeed trading in the green during the day, buoyed by hope sustained by the diplomatic pressure being exerted to reach a statement of intent that would serve as a basis for resuming Iranian-American talks. Pakistan's army chief, Asim Munir, is expected in Tehran for talks with senior officials, according to Iran's official news agency, IRNA. Reuters reported the presence of a Qatari delegation in Iran as part of a mission conducted in coordination with Washington, while the Axios website indicates that Saudi Arabia, Egypt, and Turkey are also involved in ongoing diplomatic efforts. But for now, Tehran, which hopes to wear down the United States to extract maximum concessions, continues to defy Donald Trump. The Revolutionary Guards announced this morning the number of cargo ships and tankers that have crossed the Strait of Hormuz under the new toll rules imposed by the Islamic Republic. These are "contrary to international law," the European Union recalled. Brussels, moreover, decided on Friday to extend sanctions imposed on Iran to "persons and entities involved in actions that threaten freedom of navigation in the Middle East." Among the countries affected and inconvenienced by Iranian measures on Hormuz, the United Arab Emirates, which called on Iran, through the voice of the high adviser to the Emirati president, Anwar Gargash, to "not overestimate its hand" in upcoming negotiations with Washington. According to him, the chances of an Iran-US agreement to unblock this strait are "50-50." Furthermore, Mr. Gargash warned against a ceasefire "with no way out, which would sow the seeds of future conflict." "The Iranian nuclear program, which was our second or third concern, is now our first concern," he emphasized. "We have realized that Iran is capable of using any weapon at its disposal." The shock of American sanctions In Lebanon, meanwhile, people remain shocked by sanctions imposed by Washington on a group of lawmakers and, for the first time, on security officials deemed close to Hezbollah and the Amal movement of House Speaker Nabih Berry. These are, namely, the chief of the national security department at the General Security, General Khattar Nassereddine, and the chief of the army's intelligence bureau in the southern suburbs of Beirut, Colonel Samir Hamadé. Both are accused by the US Treasury of having "shared important intelligence with Hezbollah during the ongoing conflict." The other individuals targeted are Hezbollah lawmakers Hassan Fadlallah, Ibrahim Moussaoui, Hussein Hajj Hassan, as well as former minister Mohammad Fneich, a member of the pro-Iranian formation's executive council and former lawmaker, the ambassador accredited by Tehran to Beirut, Mohammad Reza Chibani, as well as Ahmad Assaad Baalbacki and Ali Ahmad Safaoui, both Amal security officials. The Lebanese army indirectly rejected the accusations leveled by Washington against its officer, accused of aiding Hezbollah, by emphasizing in a statement that the loyalty of its soldiers goes "solely to the institution." All officers and soldiers "carry out their national missions (...) in accordance with decisions of the army command," according to a statement from the forces, which said it had not been informed of the sanctions "through the usual channels of communication" with Washington. Iran denounced the sanctions against its ambassador, calling them "illegal." On the ground in Lebanon, an Israeli strike killed six people, including two emergency responders and a young girl, in the village of Deir Qanoune al-Nahr, in the Tyre region. During the night from Thursday to Friday, four emergency responders affiliated with Hezbollah were killed in a raid on Hanaouay, near Tyre. NATO and Trump Meanwhile, meeting in Sweden, foreign ministers from NATO's European countries hoped to get clarification Friday from the United States about its military presence in Europe, especially following Donald Trump's announcement to deploy 5,000 American soldiers in Poland, when he had been considering reducing the American military presence on the continent. During this meeting, U.S. Secretary of State Marco Rubio told his NATO allies that American decisions on troop deployments in Europe announced in recent weeks by Donald Trump were not "punitive." "It's simply an ongoing process that existed before," he said, adding that the U.S. would need to "address" Mr. Trump's "concerns" about the Middle East. In Washington, U.S. intelligence chief Tulsi Gabbard announced her resignation. She, who appeared to disagree with President Donald Trump over the war in Iran, has headed the National Intelligence Directorate (DNI), the agency that oversees all intelligence agencies, since Donald Trump's return to the White House. Tulsi Gabbard was expected to leave by American media, appearing to be at odds with Donald Trump. Notably, she had refused during a parliamentary hearing in March to confirm the Republican's claims that Iran represented an "imminent threat" before the U.S.-Israeli strikes that triggered the war in the Middle East. She is the fourth woman to leave the Trump administration in three months, following Justice Minister Pam Bondi, Homeland Security Minister Kristi Noem, and Labor Minister Lori Chavez-DeRemer. On April 3, in the midst of the war in Iran, the Pentagon announced the departure of the Army Chief of Staff, General Randy George, a removal that adds to the list of senior officers removed by the Trump administration.

Between Trump, Putin, Xi and Iran: A New Geopolitics Emerges (2/2)

Amid a full-blown trade tariff war and commercial restrictions between Beijing and Washington, along with their confrontations over Taiwan and the South China Sea, Trump and Xi Jinping held their first meeting on October 30, 2025, at Busan airport in South Korea, on the sidelines of the Asia-Pacific Economic Cooperation Forum summit. This meeting, made necessary by the urgent economic problems facing both countries, resulted in the conclusion of a one-year trade ceasefire between the two parties. The ceasefire involved an immediate reduction in US tariffs on Chinese goods, which had exceeded 100% in some cases. These tariffs were cut to an average of 47%. Additionally, President Trump suspended the blacklisting of subsidiaries in which 50% or more of shares belonged to sanctioned Chinese groups. He also pledged to lift restrictions on exports to China of microchips related to Artificial Intelligence. In return, China committed to intensifying efforts to combat trafficking to America of raw materials used to manufacture narcotics. It also suspended its drastic restrictions on exports of rare earth metals essential to American technological and defense industries, with 90% of US supplies of these metals coming from China. Furthermore, Xi committed to resuming massive purchases of American soybeans at a rate of $11 billion per year and to buying Boeing aircraft without specifying the number. Finally, the two countries froze reciprocal port taxes on their merchant ships and promised to discuss heavier structural issues at a later date. This indicates a need for cooperation and the beginning of a new geopolitical era with global repercussions. Evidence of this is Putin's visit to Beijing, following Trump's. Trump-Xi Meeting of May 14-15, 2026 The historical significance of this meeting was downplayed by the media, which attempted to demonstrate that little progress was made and which especially highlighted Xi Jinping's insistence on reuniting Taiwan with China. In reality, this summit consolidated, expanded, and extended the fragile trade ceasefire signed in Busan seven months earlier, and it will be followed by other summits. In his speech, Xi affirmed his desire for a strategic understanding with the United States, based on "peaceful coexistence and mutually beneficial cooperation." He noted that Sino-American relations concern the well-being of over 1.7 billion people in the two countries and have an impact on the interests of over 8 billion inhabitants of the planet. This is entirely new in Chinese political discourse. Consolidation of the Trade Ceasefire President Trump was accompanied to this summit by 17 American business leaders whose combined capital amounts to $15 trillion, equivalent to half of US GDP and three times France's GDP. This sum exceeds the combined GDPs of Japan, Germany, and India. Among the business leaders accompanying the White House chief were Tim Cook, CEO of Apple, Elon Musk, CEO of Tesla and Washington's unofficial ambassador responsible for serving as the natural bridge for trade between the United States and China, Jensen Huang, CEO of Nvidia, and Kelly Ortberg, CEO of Boeing. Apple assembles 80-90% of its iPhones and iMacs in China. Following the summit, it succeeded in protecting this production by keeping bilateral tariffs lowered for a period of three years. Furthermore, Apple has annual revenues in China of $80 billion (20% of its global sales), which it seeks to increase. Tesla, Tesla et ambassadeur officieux de Washington, responsable de la passerelle naturelle pour le commerce entre les Etats-Unis et la Chine , Jensen Huang, patron de Nvidia, et Kelly Ortberg patronne de Boeing . Apple assemble en Chine près de 80 à 90% de ses iPhones et iMacs . Suite au sommet, elle a réussi à protéger cette production en gardant les droits de douane bilatéraux abaissés pour une période de trois ans. En outre, Apple a un chiffre d’affaires en Chine de 80 milliards de dollars (20% de ses ventes mondiales), qu’elle cherche à augmenter. Tesla, which manufactures electric vehicles and solar energy equipment in China, has successfully strengthened protection for its Shanghai plant against bilateral tariff barriers, given that it produces more than half of the world's {{name}} production. Tesla . One of the breakthroughs from this summit was the official authorization granted by Trump to {{name}} to sell its H200 artificial intelligence chip (the most sought-after on the market) to major Chinese technology companies. China represented up to 25% of {{name}}'s revenue; this figure has dropped to nearly 11% due to restrictions, which are now being lifted. Nvidia ; The big winner of the summit was {{name}}, which signed an agreement to deliver 200 commercial aircraft to Beijing, which is a complete success for its CEO Kelly Ortberg, and provides a financial lifeline to turn the company around. Boeing estimates that China will need more than 8,500 new commercial aircraft by 2043 and hopes, following this contract, to secure additional orders in the coming years, with the number of aircraft potentially reaching 750. The Taiwan Question The summit froze the status quo on the Taiwan issue. President Trump is clear in his refusal to accept the island's formal independence, which he considers dangerous in all respects. The mega-arms deal with Taipei worth 14 billion dollars is frozen and constitutes a powerful bargaining chip against Beijing. For its part, the Kuomintang (KMT), Taiwan's right-wing nationalist opposition party, advocates dialogue with Beijing and maintains its position in favor of a single China. In fact, its chairwoman, Cheng Li-wun, made a historic visit to Beijing from April 7-12. She met Xi Jinping to restore dialogue. Unlike the KMT, the ruling Democratic Progressive Party (DPP) firmly defends Taiwan's national identity. However, it advocates maintaining the status quo in the face of mainland China's claims to avoid armed conflict. In summary, while Taiwan's political class seeks to preserve its democracy without triggering conflict, Donald Trump approached the issue from a strictly pragmatic angle. The Iran and Strait of Hormuz Crisis The Iranian nuclear crisis and the paralysis of the Strait of Hormuz remain unresolved, although these issues were certainly debated in the weeks preceding the Beijing meeting. President Trump stated that Xi had agreed to an absolute ban on Tehran possessing nuclear weapons, while committing to block any delivery of Chinese conventional arms to Iran. The White House chief also claimed that Beijing rejected the principle of maritime tolls imposed by the Islamic Republic in the strait. For its part, China's Foreign Ministry called for a global ceasefire, maintaining diplomatic ambiguity. In return, reports indicate that Beijing quietly pays Tehran transit fees for its oil tankers crossing the Strait, disguised as "environmental charges". China has every reason to seek the opening of the strait since it imports more than 50% of its oil not only from Iran but also from Gulf countries. Finally, the strategic partnership between Beijing and Tehran, signed in 2021, provided for 400 billion dollars in investments in Iran. Yet to date, these have not exceeded a few billion, suggesting that Xi Jinping has long chosen not to risk displeasing Washington and the Gulf states. A New Geopolitical Landscape La crise de l’Iran et du détroit d’Ormuz La crise du nucléaire iranien et la paralysie du détroit d’Ormuz demeurent sans solution, bien que ces dossiers aient été certainement débattus dans les semaines qui ont précédé la rencontre de Pékin. Le président Trump a affirmé que Xi avait souscrit à l'interdiction absolue pour Téhéran de posséder l'arme nucléaire, tout en s'engageant à bloquer toute livraison d'armes conventionnelles chinoises à l'Iran. Le chef de la Maison Blanche a également soutenu que Pékin refusait le principe du péage maritime imposé par la République islamique dans le détroit. De son côté, le ministère chinois des Affaires étrangères a appelé à un cessez-le-feu global, maintenant le flou diplomatique. En contrepartie, des rapports indiquent que Pékin paie discrètement à Téhéran des droits de transit pour ses pétroliers qui traversent Ormuz, sous couvert de «frais environnementaux». La Chine a tout intérêt à obtenir l’ouverture du détroit car elle importe plus de 50% de son pétrole non seulement d’Iran mais aussi des pays du Golfe. Enfin, le partenariat stratégique entre Pékin et Téhéran, signé en 2021, prévoyait des investissements de 400 milliards de dollars en Iran. Or jusqu’à cette date, ils ne dépassent pas quelques milliards, ce qui indique que Xi Jinping, depuis bien longtemps, ne veut pas risquer de mécontenter Washington et les pays du Golfe. Une nouvelle donne géopolitique The Beijing summit is part of a process leading toward a new world order that will replace the one that prevailed after World War II. Geopolitics demands it... It is clear that Xi Jinping, Trump, and Putin are prioritizing their domestic interests above all else, which requires normalizing economic and technological ties between their respective countries. Putin has indeed shown signs of openness across the board, particularly toward Trump and Xi Jinping, whom he made a point of visiting after the American president, as well as toward Europe. This does not bode well for Tehran, which risks bearing the brunt of this new geopolitical reality.

Hormuz, enriched uranium… Iran hardens its stance

The diplomatic maneuvering aimed at ending the war between the United States and Iran continues with the visit to Tehran of a new senior Pakistani official, mediator of the discussions. Between statements from U.S. Secretary of State Marco Rubio, who claimed that "progress had been made," and those from Iran's Foreign Ministry, according to which "negotiations currently focus on ending the war on all fronts, including in Lebanon," a certain optimism seemed to be emerging after a series of explosive messages exchanged by both sides. But information published Thursday by the Reuters agency concerning Iranian nuclear matters, as well as a hardening of the Revolutionary Guards' position on the Strait of Hormuz, came to sweep away this diplomatic lull. According to Reuters, Iran's Supreme Leader, Ayatollah Mojtaba Khamenei, has issued a directive that Iranian uranium enriched to a level close to that necessary for nuclear weapon production should not be transferred abroad. "The Supreme Leader's directive, as well as consensus within the establishment, is that the enriched uranium stockpile must not leave the country," said one of two Iranian sources cited by Reuters, speaking on condition of anonymity. According to these sources, Iran's highest officials believe that a transfer of this material abroad would make the country more vulnerable to future American or Israeli attacks. The two Iranian officials also stated that deep mistrust prevails in Tehran regarding the current ceasefire, perceived as a possible tactical maneuver by Washington intended to create a false sense of security before a resumption of airstrikes. According to the sources, the two parties have begun to narrow certain gaps, but major disagreements persist concerning Iran's nuclear program—notably the fate of enriched uranium stockpiles and Tehran's demand to have its right to enrichment recognized. One of the sources nevertheless stated that there were "workable formulas" to resolve this dispute. "There are solutions, such as dilution of the stockpile under the supervision of the International Atomic Energy Agency," said one of the Iranian officials, cited by the London-based agency. The International Atomic Energy Agency (IAEA) estimates that Iran possessed 440.9 kilograms of uranium enriched to 60% when Israel and the United States struck Iranian nuclear facilities in June 2025. The amount of material that survived these strikes remains unknown. This decision hardens Tehran's position on one of the main American demands in the peace talks. Ayatollah Khamenei's order could heighten tensions with U.S. President Donald Trump and further complicate discussions aimed at ending the war between the United States, Israel, and Iran. Donald Trump stated Thursday that the United States would not allow Iran to keep its highly enriched uranium stockpile. "We're going to get it. We don't need it, we don't want it. We'll probably destroy it once we have it, but we won't let them keep it," Trump told journalists at the White House. Hormuz: Iran expands its claims Concerning a second sensitive point in negotiations with the United States, Iran's new strait of Hormuz management authority claimed Thursday a control zone extending to waters south of the Emirati port of Fujairah, drawing the ire of its Gulf neighbor. Tehran has controlled navigation in this strategic maritime corridor for global hydrocarbon commerce since the start of the war in the Middle East. Although a ceasefire came into effect on April 8, authorities are requiring vessels transiting the strait to obtain permits from Iranian armed forces. The brand-new "Persian Gulf Strait Authority," which now has an official account on X, published a message on Wednesday accompanied by a map, claiming to have delineated "the zone of regulatory jurisdiction for managing" the strait. It states that this zone extends "from Kuh-e Mubarak in Iran to south of Fujairah in the United Arab Emirates" regarding the strait's eastern entrance, and on the western side "from Qeshm Island to Umm Al-Quwain," one of the seven emirates comprising the UAE. "Transit through this zone for the purpose of crossing the Strait of Hormuz requires coordination with the Persian Gulf Strait Authority and its authorization," it specifies. This is likely to anger Abu Dhabi, as the port of Fujairah is central to its strategy for bypassing the strait blockade. "The (Iranian) regime is attempting to impose a new reality (...), but attempts to control the Strait of Hormuz or undermine the maritime sovereignty of the Emirates are nothing but fantasy," responded Anwar Gargash, advisor to the Emirati president, on X. U.S. Sanctions Against Amal and Hezbollah On another front, Washington announced Thursday that it was placing nine individuals on its sanctions list, accused of being close to or members of Hezbollah's leadership and of "obstructing peace and disarmament" of the Iranian-backed Lebanese group. Among the targets of the U.S. Treasury Department's sanctions are Iran's designated ambassador to Lebanon, Mohammad Reza Raouf Sheibani, Lebanese intelligence officials, political allies of Hezbollah, and four group officials. One of them is Hezbollah deputy Hassan Fadlallah, who also headed the movement's radio station (Al-Nour) and television network (Al-Manar). The Lebanese government rejected the Iranian ambassador's credentials in mid-March and ordered him to leave the country, but Sheibani refused to depart Beirut. The Treasury Department's measures also target Ahmad Baalbeki and Ali Safawi, two officials of the Amal movement, headed by Parliament Speaker Nabih Berri. In its statement, Treasury Secretary Scott Bessent declared that "Hezbollah is a terrorist organization that must be completely disarmed. The Treasury Department will continue to target officials who have infiltrated the Lebanese government and enabled Hezbollah to conduct its senseless campaign of violence against the Lebanese people and obstruct peace." The sanctions involve freezing all assets held directly and indirectly by the targeted individuals and prohibiting U.S. citizens and companies from conducting transactions with them. This prohibition also applies to foreign companies if they have operations in the United States or conduct any part of their transactions in dollars. On the ground, a hospital in southern Lebanon was damaged Thursday by an Israeli strike, according to the Health Ministry, with the Israeli military continuing raids despite a fragile ceasefire with the Iranian-backed Hezbollah. "Two Israeli strikes targeted the locality of Tebnine, near the government hospital," in the Bint Jbeil region, reported the National News Agency. The ministry further stated that the strike wounded "nine people, including seven hospital staff members, five of whom are women." The ministry had indicated Wednesday that three hospitals in the south had been closed and 16 others damaged since the start of the war between Israel and the Iranian-backed Hezbollah on March 2.

Wait, wrong way...
By
Michel Touma
Published

In the current conflict that will likely determine the fate of the Islamic Republic of Iran, it is more vital than ever to be transparent and speak plainly, without complacency or evasion: many senior political officials, experts, academics and journalists are misreading the true stakes of this existential crisis shaking the entire region and reverberating, in turn, on the international market. The gravest mistake now would be to fight the wrong battle. The adversary to be confronted today is by no means President Donald Trump, regardless of any grievances one might hold against him regarding his behavior, arrogant attitude, verbal outbursts or relations with leaders who are supposed to be his allies. Is it necessary to remind ourselves, to illustrate this point, that these same shortcomings were criticized in Winston Churchill during World War II, yet General de Gaulle, locked in full conflict with the Nazi regime, did not focus his entire struggle on his quarrels and disagreements with the former British Prime Minister? If many political officials and experts are today misreading the Iranian conflict, it is essentially because they refuse to accept that the true stakes of this conflict are not limited solely to freedom of maritime passage through the Strait of Hormuz and safeguarding the global economy. The issue is not about halting escalation and military operations to favor 'the diplomatic path' and pursuit of a 'negotiated solution acceptable to both sides'. Such objectives would have been conceivable and understandable if we were dealing with factions, even rival ones, following a course of conduct in line with customary rational norms. This is far from being the case with the leaders of the Islamic Republic of Iran, more precisely its backbone, the Revolutionary Guards. Advocates of the 'diplomatic path' and critics of the muscular approach implemented by President Trump obscure, through self-centered calculation or misplaced naivety, what should be the true stake of this conflict: the eradication of the Iranian regime, or at least its hardline belligerent wing, represented by the Pasdaran. This is by no means a mere matter of power or the imposition of some balance of force, but a fundamentally existential stake whose ideological dimension would be dangerous to neglect divine… It is high time to acknowledge an undeniable reality, confirmed by tangible facts: the United States, the European Union, the Western world in general, the Gulf states, the countries of the Levant have faced for decades the scourge and aggression of a theocratic, dictatorial and bloodthirsty Iranian power, which believes itself invested with a messianic mission and has set for itself a course of conduct based on an obscurantist and retrograde vision of the world, of society, of life and death, of the place of Man and Woman in their environment. This Khomeynist project for society (for it must be called by its name) is built on practices, customs, a way of life, social rules from another age. It has been carried forward with great effort by the radical wing of the Tehran regime since Khomeini came to power in 1979. From the outset, the Pasdaran adopted the slogan of exporting the Islamic Revolution and put it into practice by implanting vassal militias in Lebanon, Iraq, Yemen, Syria, Gaza, and by pursuing an expansionist and destabilizing policy in numerous areas of the region, particularly in several Gulf countries. To preserve their power and the Khomeinist regime as a whole, the 'guardians of the temple' – the Pasdaran – stop at nothing and are in no way bound by any humanitarian considerations. The latest example: mass executions of teenagers, young people in their prime, university students, senior officials, accused of participating in peaceful demonstrations (600 executions since the beginning of the year and over 2,100 in 2025, without the 'intellectuals' and 'right-thinking' people showing much concern). Can we forget that during the latest mass demonstrations in most Iranian regions, the regime's repressive apparatus massacred over 40,000 civilians in just two days, January 8-9, 2026! Need we recall the 2009 uprising (the 'Green Movement') triggered by Ahmadinejad's fraudulent re-election and savagely suppressed by the Pasdaran, or the 'Bloody November' of 2019 which left no fewer than 300 dead, and especially the broad 'Woman, Life, Freedom' protest in 2022, sparked by the death in custody of the young Kurdish-origin girl Mahsa Amini and which was suppressed with live fire, thousands of arrests, and countless cases of torture… But the pinnacle of atrocity was reached during the war against Iraq, when the regime sent hundreds of children to be killed in minefields to clear the way for regular forces! Despite this grim past, which one could dwell on at length by detailing the repressions and crimes of the regime, many Western countries and Arab states continue to advocate for 'dialogue' and a 'diplomatic' solution to end the current armed conflict and find a way out of the Iranian nuclear program and uranium enrichment issue. These countries pretend in this regard to forget that it has been more than… twenty years (!), since the early 2000s, that these nuclear and uranium enrichment matters have been discussed, negotiated, debated, examined, scrutinized, renegotiated multiple times over the years, extensively and repeatedly. More than twenty years of fruitless discussions that allowed the mullah regime to buy time to continually develop its nuclear program and accelerate uranium enrichment, reaching a threshold of 60 percent and beyond. President Trump recently put his finger on the wound by rightly pointing out what other leaders stubbornly refuse to acknowledge: 'For 47 years (since 1979), the Iranian regime has been stringing us along; it makes us wait, kills our men with roadside bombs, brutally suppresses popular uprisings and just recently massacred 42,000 innocent, defenseless protesters' (…). Faced with this grim reality and this repugnant situation, what is there left to negotiate with such a murderous regime, driven by a cult of martyrdom, by a retrograde divine ideology that has no consideration for human beings, for the individual as an absolute value? Would it have been conceivable, by comparison, to advocate for 'dialogue' with Hitler in 1944-1945 to achieve a 'diplomatic solution' with the Nazi regime?