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The explosions generated shockwaves equivalent to a magnitude 3.2 earthquake: the Israeli army carried out massive explosions near Beaufort Castle in southern Lebanon on Thursday night, drawing condemnation from President Joseph Aoun and Prime Minister Nawaf Salam. The head of state went so far as to denounce "an extremely dangerous escalation" and "a direct threat" to the implementation of the framework agreement concluded in June between Lebanon and Israel under U.S. auspices. While the United States had confirmed on Monday that new talks between Israel and Lebanon would be held in Rome from August 4 to 6, aimed in part at expanding the process, the presidency lamented in a statement that "the timing of these aggressions sends negative messages and undermines international efforts to consolidate stability," just days before those new negotiations. 700 tons of explosives Lebanese Prime Minister Nawaf Salam condemned "Israel's ongoing aggressions in the South, in the form of explosions, bombardments and systematic destruction," including "damage to archaeological sites." (AFP) In a joint statement, Israeli Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu and Defense Minister Israel Katz announced that the army had destroyed "terrorist tunnels in the Beaufort area" using around 700 tons of explosives. They stated that the explosions came in response to "a flagrant ceasefire violation by Hezbollah" on Wednesday. The Israeli army had accused Hezbollah on Wednesday of violating the ceasefire by launching an explosive drone at an Israeli military vehicle in the south of the country. (AFP) Beaufort Castle, a Crusader-era fortress located in the southern area occupied by Israel, was added to UNESCO's List of World Heritage in Danger last week. According to Lebanon's Ministry of Culture, the explosions "may have caused damage to the surroundings of the fortress," the full extent of which "can only be assessed following an on-site inspection" — which is currently impossible. Aerial photo taken by the Armée du Levant in 1936, colorized by AI. (Wikimedia Commons) Riad Salamé placed in detention at a hospital In a separate development, former Banque du Liban governor Riad Salamé, who faces embezzlement charges, has been placed under police-supervised detention in a hospital where he was admitted after suffering a health episode. Governor of the Banque du Liban (BDL) from 1993 to July 2023, Riad Salamé, 76, faces multiple charges in Lebanon and abroad, but has consistently denied any wrongdoing. He was due to appear in court on Thursday in connection with a complaint filed by the new governor, Karim Souaid, for embezzlement of the institution's funds, illicit enrichment, and money laundering. Having failed to appear at the hearing, Riad Salamé was subsequently the subject of a summons warrant issued by a judge, but ultimately decided to go to the courthouse voluntarily, accompanied by his lawyer, a judicial source said. He then "suffered a health episode on his way to the Palace of Justice," the source added, noting that the hearing had been postponed indefinitely. Later, after authorities were unable to locate him at his registered addresses or at any hospital, the Attorney General at the Court of Cassation issued a new warrant for his arrest. Riad Salamé was eventually found on Friday at a hospital outside Beirut. The judge ordered that "security measures be reinforced in the wing where he is staying" as well as at the hospital's entrances, and that he be considered "in detention," the judicial source added. Riad Salamé is accused by his critics of being one of the key figures responsible for Lebanon's financial collapse. Gaza: Hamas confirms a deal on its disarmament On the regional front, Hamas confirmed on Friday that it had accepted a deal calling for its disarmament and a gradual Israeli withdrawal from Gaza — the second phase of a US-led plan to end the war between the Palestinian Islamist movement and Israel. Nearly twenty-four hours after Donald Trump announced the agreement — a major diplomatic breakthrough for him at a time when the United States remains entangled in its war with Iran — the Israeli government had yet to officially respond. Far-right Israeli minister Itamar Ben Gvir, however, denounced it as "unacceptable for Israel." The deal, a fifteen-point roadmap published Friday by the "Peace Council," calls for both sides to halt military operations and for the National Committee for the Administration of Gaza (NCAG) — tasked with managing daily life during the transition period — to be allowed into the territory. This body, made up of Palestinian technocrats, is currently based in Egypt, as Israel has been blocking its access to Gaza. The NCAG will gradually take charge, according to a set timeline, of the process of dismantling and storing Hamas's heavy weapons, military production sites, weapons depots, and tunnel network — with no weapons to be handed over to Israel or to any non-Palestinian organizations. The process will be tied to a phased Israeli withdrawal. Implementation of the agreement will be overseen by an International Verification Committee (IVC). The text also provides for the temporary deployment in Gaza of the International Stabilization Force (ISF), currently being formed as part of Donald Trump's plan, to monitor compliance with the ceasefire and ensure the delivery of humanitarian aid. The "Peace Council's" senior representative for Gaza, Nikolai Mladenov, stressed that "the Israeli withdrawal must go hand in hand with disarmament." The deal, announced two days after Donald Trump met Israeli Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu at the White House, required "months of very difficult negotiations," he noted. In the cramped, densely populated territory, where the humanitarian situation remains deeply alarming, residents are caught between skepticism and hope. Israeli forces occupy more than 60% of the territory, which is separated from the Hamas-controlled zone by a "yellow line" of demarcation. Les forces israéliennes occupent plus de 60 % du territoire, séparé de la zone contrôlée par le Hamas par une «ligne jaune» de démarcation.

Success often breeds further success. Morocco has offered a striking example of this ever since Mohammed VI ascended the throne twenty-seven years ago. The foremost of these achievements has been the consolidation of Morocco’s claim to the Sahara, followed by a series of major projects that have now become reality. These include the transformation of the Port of Dakhla into one of Africa’s leading Atlantic gateways, the African gas pipeline linking Nigeria to Morocco, and the more than one-thousand-kilometre highway connecting Tiznit to Dakhla, which now bears Donald Trump’s name. The Moroccan monarch scarcely needed to dwell on these accomplishments in his annual Throne Day address, particularly after the adoption of United Nations Security Council Resolution 2797 on 31 October 2025. The resolution marked a turning point by explicitly acknowledging Morocco’s claim to the Sahara and reaffirming that the only realistic solution remains the one Rabat has advocated since 2007: broad autonomy for the Saharan provinces within the framework of Moroccan sovereignty. Instead, Mohammed VI chose to let the numbers speak for themselves. Yet he also reminded all those willing to listen that Morocco’s progress rests on solid foundations because, in his words, the Kingdom is “an ancient nation-State.” As he put it: “Morocco is an ancient State that draws its strength from deeply rooted traditions as a nation-State. Its institutions fulfil their role within a framework of harmony and complementarity. This is what gives the State the effectiveness required to sustain its achievements and meet challenges despite difficulties and constraints. Morocco has demonstrated this through its exemplary organisation of continental and international events, earning admiration and respect around the world while, at times, arousing the envy of others.” It is only natural that Morocco should arouse “the envy of others.” The progress achieved has turned the Kingdom into a pillar of stability in a region that urgently needs a different climate to foster development and integration, far removed from empty slogans, hollow promises, illusions, and the exploitation of peoples and their future. On the twenty-seventh anniversary of his accession to the throne, Mohammed VI had every reason to look to the future with confidence. His address focused on Morocco’s promising future, one that is no longer founded on aspirations alone but on tangible achievements firmly anchored in reality. These accomplishments, he stressed, are the product of “security, stability, and effective institutions.” They are reflected in “the growing number of positive indicators across all sectors, reinforcing the country’s economic momentum and strengthening national sovereignty.” Returning to the language of numbers, in other words to verifiable facts, the Moroccan monarch noted that “economic growth reached approximately 4.9 percent in 2025 and is expected to remain at that level, or even exceed it, in 2026.” He also pointed out that, “in the agricultural sector, Morocco benefited from abundant rainfall and an excellent harvest, helping strengthen both water and food security.” At the same time, the Kingdom further consolidated its position as a hub for industrial, tourism, and financial investment, as reflected in the steady improvement of its economic indicators, particularly in industry. Today, the automotive, aerospace, renewable energy, and agri-food industries form the backbone of Morocco’s productive economy. They play a decisive role both in attracting foreign investment and in creating wealth and employment. Morocco has now become Africa’s leading automobile exporter, with an annual production capacity approaching one million vehicles. Exports from the automotive and aerospace sectors now account for more than 40 percent of the Kingdom’s total exports, surpassing even phosphate exports. As part of this same strategic vision, Mohammed VI recalled presiding earlier this year over the inauguration of new industrial facilities that have enabled Morocco to join the select group of countries hosting major manufacturing centres for aircraft engines and landing gear systems. The development of an integrated electric battery industry likewise reflects the Kingdom’s ability to anticipate technological change and integrate itself into the global production chains of strategic industries. Guided by the same spirit of innovation and modernisation, Morocco is pressing ahead with major projects designed to make renewable energy a cornerstone of its energy security and a powerful magnet for industries seeking competitive, low-carbon energy. As part of this ambitious strategy, the Kingdom has begun implementing its green hydrogen programme by approving a first wave of major projects. All this represents only a fraction of what Morocco has achieved, in a country that now welcomes twenty million tourists every year. This year’s Throne Day address by Mohammed VI was a message directed at everyone, both those willing to understand and those determined not to. Its central message is clear: Morocco has a vision and places its confidence in its people. It is betting on the ability of Moroccans to carry the country forward and establish it among the nations capable of playing a constructive role at both the regional and international levels, far removed from ideological confrontation, illusions, and sterile political grandstanding that offers no political, economic, or civilisational horizon. At its core, the message is a simple one: Morocco has fully recognised that the world has changed. It has changed even more profoundly than many imagined less than five years ago, first with the outbreak of the Russia-Ukraine war, then with the wave of violence unleashed by the attacks of 7 October 2023 and the war that engulfed the Middle East. The world has changed, and Morocco is determined to secure its place among the countries reshaping global supply chains, diversifying production, and connecting their national capabilities to the global economy. To achieve this, the Kingdom is relying on its infrastructure, its natural resources, the quality of its diplomacy and political leadership, and the preservation of a stability that has become one of its greatest assets, not only nationally but across the wider region.

Day after day, the radical wing of the Iranian regime – at least as it is characterized by certain Western circles – is working to demonstrate its capacity to gradually extend its reach into new areas of the Middle East. Following the reactivation of their Yemeni militia, the Houthis, aimed at holding hostage the Bab el-Mandeb strait and the corresponding Red Sea shipping lane (after the Strait of Hormuz), the Revolutionary Guards were keen to show that they have "a long arm" when it comes to missile range. They attacked the port of Damietta in Egypt using an explosive-laden drone, striking two gas storage vessels – one of which was American. A fire broke out on both vessels. The Egyptian government held Iran responsible for the attack, which was strongly condemned by the Secretary-General of the Arab League, who described it as an "unacceptable" act of aggression against Cairo. At the same time, the Revolutionary Guards fired five missiles at Jordan – an act of aggression sharply denounced by Qatar – and once again attacked Kuwait, where a building belonging to a Chinese company took a direct hit and was severely damaged in the explosion, killing one worker. In response, China called on all parties to immediately halt the military escalation. As a sign that the conflict is spreading to new actors, the Saudi Ministry of Defense organized an expanded meeting in Riyadh bringing together the chiefs of staff (or their representatives) of 43 countries. The aim of the summit was to launch the establishment of a broad "Maritime Defense Alliance." The Saudi ministry stated that this is an international initiative designed to ensure the security and freedom of navigation on maritime routes. It is worth noting in this context that the Saudi air force, in collaboration with US air forces, carried out strikes at the beginning of this week against Houthi positions in Yemen, in retaliation for the (failed) missile launches that the pro-Iranian Yemeni militia had attempted against Saudi Aramco facilities. It should be noted that, according to sources cited by the Arabic-language channel al-Hadath , the Houthis launched the missiles toward Saudi territory from Iraqi soil, with the complicity of pro-Iranian Iraqi militias. This is the first time since the conflict began that the Saudi military has been directly involved in military operations against Iran's allies. At the beginning of July, Kuwait and Bahrain had bombed positions inside Iran, with support and air cover provided by the United Arab Emirates – marking the first indication of an active Gulf state involvement in the war against Iran. This tendency of the Revolutionary Guards to seek to expand the armed conflict to as many new areas of the Middle East as possible prompted President Donald Trump to give the green light, overnight Wednesday into Thursday, for a new wave of airstrikes against Revolutionary Guard positions, infrastructure, and ammunition depots across several regions of Iran. The US Central Command was expected to announce on Thursday that "dozens of Revolutionary Guard positions were successfully targeted in these strikes." According to information from Israel, Washington reportedly informed Israeli authorities on Thursday evening that new, large-scale airstrikes targeting Revolutionary Guard headquarters and centers were expected to be launched overnight Thursday. Selon des informations en provenance d’Israël, Washington aurait informé jeudi soir les autorités israéliennes que de nouveaux bombardements aériens massifs contre les quartiers généraux et les centres des Pasdaran devraient être lancés dans la nuit de jeudi. The only bright spot in this bleak regional picture: Thursday's announcement of an agreement, endorsed by Hamas, aimed at handing over heavy weapons to an international committee that will be responsible for collecting and storing Hamas's weapons, in line with the Gaza solution process that had been devised by President Trump. Aoun's Visit to Ankara It is against this backdrop of a rapidly shifting regional landscape that President Joseph Aoun made a lightning visit to Ankara on Thursday, where he held a meeting with President Recep Tayyip Erdogan, who stressed on this occasion that his country is ready to contribute to strengthening security in Lebanon. The head of state returned to Beirut on Thursday evening, and the Presidency of the Republic indicated in a press release that cooperation between the two countries will focus, in particular, on support for the army, the provision of prefabricated housing for displaced people from the South, as well as assistance in the areas of electrical energy, air transport, and the development of basic infrastructure. President Aoun extended an invitation to President Erdogan to visit Lebanon.

Some evenings quietly fade into memory. Others simply wait for someone willing to bring them back to life. In 1967, under the High Patronage of Princess Grace of Monaco, the Order of Malta Ball was held in Paris, embodying the understated elegance that has long distinguished great charitable endeavors, where refinement finds its true purpose only in the cause it serves. Then the years passed, and this prestigious gathering gradually disappeared from the Parisian social calendar. Nearly six decades later, the Ball has returned in the exceptional setting of the Cercle de l’Union Interalliée. Under the High Patronage of Her Royal Highness Princess Caroline of Hanover, this new edition represents far more than the revival of a distinguished social event. It rekindles a shared memory, restores a bond between generations, and reminds us that there are still places where beauty can become a language of solidarity. At the heart of this renaissance stands one woman. A woman who does not seek the spotlight, but quietly ensures that it shines on others. As Chair of the Organizing Committee of the Order of Malta Ball Paris, Françoise Péricaud-Duval believes that every detail carries meaning, not because of a pursuit of aesthetic perfection for its own sake, but because the care devoted to every element ultimately reflects the care devoted to every person. Her Royal Highness Princess Zita of Bourbon-Parma and His Serene Highness Prince Charles von Croÿ. She conceived the evening as one would compose a collective work, with discipline, intuition, a profound sense of beauty, and unwavering fidelity to the spirit of the Order. Behind the floral arrangements, the elegantly laid tables, the patrons, the charity auction, the conversations, and the opening notes of the Ball lies what truly matters: enabling the 68th Lourdes Pilgrimage to continue its mission in support of the most vulnerable. It is a conviction that Françoise Péricaud-Duval expresses with almost disarming simplicity: when elegance is guided by charity, appearance gives way to service. Reviving a Legacy “Some traditions do not return because they belong to the past. They return because they still have something to offer the present.” Levant Time - This Ball had not been held in Paris since 1967. When you were entrusted with this project, did you first feel the weight of its history, or the freedom to write a new chapter? Françoise Péricaud-Duval - I felt both. First, the weight of history, because the Order of Malta has existed for more than nine hundred years. It is active in nearly one hundred and thirty countries and has a very strong presence in France, where thousands of us volunteer our time. Being part of this great chain of charity, love, faith, and selfless service to the most vulnerable is something truly extraordinary. At the same time, I knew I was facing a blank page. I had organized events while living in London, but this time I was starting entirely from scratch. Everything had to be built. The task was immense. Yet I believe I was sustained by my faith. When I accepted, I had not fully realized how long the road ahead would be. The idea of bringing this tradition back to life in France, my country, a country I love deeply, moved me profoundly. I was equally touched by the confidence that Olivier de La Chapelle, President of the French Association of Members of the Sovereign Military Hospitaller Order of Saint John of Jerusalem, of Rhodes and of Malta, placed in me. L. T. - When you discovered the archives of the last Ball, held under the High Patronage of Princess Grace of Monaco, what moved or inspired you the most? Françoise Péricaud-Duval - We were fortunate enough to recover a photograph from the last Order of Malta Ball held in Paris, on April 11, 1967. Our Ball took place on April 11, 2026, exactly fifty-nine years later, to the day. The photograph showed Prince Guy de Polignac, who was then President of the Order of Malta in France, standing alongside Princess Grace of Monaco. Mr. Stéphane Bern, Françoise Péricaud-Duval and Baroness Olivier de La Chapelle. Françoise Péricaud-Duval and His Royal Highness Prince Charles-Louis of Orléans, Duke of Chartres. His Royal Highness Bailiff Prince Louis de Bourbon, Duke of Anjou. I am very close to Diane de Polignac and her brother Ludovic, the niece and nephew of Prince Guy de Polignac. Diane had always told me that if I were ever to become involved again with the Order of Malta in France, she wished to be part of the adventure. At that time, I had no idea that their uncle had presided over the last Ball. Discovering that photograph therefore carried a very special meaning. I saw it as a gentle wink from history. Diane sincerely wanted to help organize the event, and her support proved extraordinary. For a year and a half, we spoke almost every day. Having Diane and Ludovic de Polignac present at this new edition soon became an obvious choice. That continuity between generations was something truly beautiful. L. T. - How do you revive a tradition without simply trying to reproduce the past? Françoise Péricaud-Duval - I believe in chains of love and in bringing beautiful souls together. When you pursue beauty and compassion, you naturally attract others. To me, the path of faith is a joyful one, but it cannot be walked alone. We need to be many, as many as possible. There was genuine enthusiasm throughout the evening and long after the Ball had ended. That is how I live my faith: by trying to share it. Andreas Oetker, Alfred Oetker and his wife, Princess Elvira Grimaldi, and Maximilian Terberger. Princess Diane de Polignac, Charles Noël de Cacqueray, Alejandra Poupel, Françoise Péricaud-Duval, Baron Olivier de La Chapelle, Marie-Gabrielle de La Chapelle, Armand de Vial, Diane de Noailles de Mouchy de Poix and Paola Obligi. His Excellency Baron Olivier de La Chapelle, President of the French Association of Members of the Sovereign Order of Malta, Her Royal Highness the Princess of Hanover, Prince Ludovic de Polignac, Ariane de Chazournes and her mother, Princess Diane de Polignac. I certainly do not live it as though I were carrying a sack of stones on my back. I am convinced that beauty and goodness belong together. God has given us a wonderful world. I am fascinated by wildlife, by nature, by the complexity and perfection found in every animal and every flower. Out of respect for the world we have been given, I believe we too should strive to create beauty. Being a perfectionist and seeking beauty are not at odds with charity. One can be charitable while striving to do everything as well as possible. Giving the very best of oneself is, in my eyes, a duty. Elegance in the Service of a Mission “Within the Order of Malta, the beauty of an evening has meaning only when it extends a mission dedicated to others.” L. T. - Many people will see this first and foremost as a gala. You probably see it first as a mission. What message would you like those who attended the evening to take away with them? Françoise Péricaud-Duval - First and foremost, I want to express my deepest gratitude to them. We began working on this project in October 2024 for an event that took place on April 11, 2026. I assembled an organizing committee made up of friends who were all extraordinary. For a year and a half, I kept repeating a phrase that eventually became something of an inside joke among us: “One team, one dream.” I truly believe in that idea. We all have our weaknesses, but each of us contributes something essential. It is by working together that we succeed. An exceptional spirit developed within the committee. We all gave the very best of ourselves to make the evening beautiful, but also to ensure that our guests genuinely enjoyed themselves. It mattered deeply to me that young people should dance, laugh, and experience a truly joyful evening. The greatest compliment I received came from several young guests who told me it was the most beautiful evening they had ever attended. Some began dancing before dinner had even ended and barely returned to their seats. The support of Alejandra Poupel, a member of the organizing committee and founder of Alejandra Poupel Events, Inspiration Music & Arts, and Novelty, played an essential role in the Ball’s success. The singers, saxophonists, percussionists, and violinists created an extraordinary atmosphere. Their Royal Highnesses Prince Charles-Louis and Princess Iléana of Orléans, together with four of their children: Their Royal Highnesses Princesses Louise, Hélène and Isabelle, and His Royal Highness Prince Constantin of Orléans. Her Royal Highness Princess Antonella of Orléans-Bourbon and her daughter, Her Royal Highness Princess Eulalia of Orléans-Bourbon. His Royal Highness Prince Guillaume of Luxembourg and his wife, Her Royal Highness Princess Sibilla of Luxembourg, accompanied by two of their children, Her Royal Highness Princess Charlotte of Nassau and His Royal Highness Prince Paul-Louis of Nassau. Everyone knew, however, that they were attending a charity Ball and that their presence was helping to finance the Lourdes Pilgrimage. We therefore sought to unite those two dimensions: the awareness of serving a cause and the joy of sharing an exceptional evening. Joy was, in fact, one of the things that struck me most the very first time I attended the Lourdes Pilgrimage. I was deeply moved by the joy of the sick and disabled pilgrims. Those of us who have received so much should be capable of living with that same joy. When one has the gift of faith, it should be lived joyfully. That is the message I wanted this Ball to convey. L. T. - How do you strike the right balance between the refinement expected of such an event and the humility of the cause it supports? Françoise Péricaud-Duval - It was essential that the beauty of the evening should never come at the expense of those we are helping. I never wanted our guests to think that the flowers, the table linens, the tableware, graciously provided by Options , or any decorative elements had been paid for with funds intended for the Lourdes Pilgrimage. That required an enormous amount of work because we had to secure sponsors and donors for every single aspect of the evening, particularly for temporary elements such as the flowers. I was determined not to organize the event without flowers, but I was equally determined not to pay for them with money intended for the sick. So I held firm until we found a patron: Daniel Féau – Belles Demeures de France. In front of every floral arrangement, we placed a handwritten card indicating that the flowers had been generously donated. Naturally, this was a way of thanking our patron, but it also reassured our guests that the funds raised for the pilgrimage had not been used to finance the decorations. I often tell friends who are planning their children’s weddings that I tried to make the evening as beautiful as a wedding… but without spending a penny! We were there to serve “our Lords, the sick,” not to incur unnecessary expenses. The flowers are only one example. We received generous donations for the linens, tableware, entertainment, and many other aspects of the evening. The caviar and wines, generously offered by Rova Caviar and Fondugues-Pradugues, together with the champagne graciously provided by Maison Pommery, were simply exquisite. That is also what I love most about volunteer work: the remarkable people it brings together. Sponsors, donors, members of the organizing committee, and the young volunteers who helped on the day of the Ball all became part of a genuine chain of generosity. Thanks to them, we were able to create a magnificent evening without ever losing sight of our mission. Behind the Scenes of the Invisible “The finest evenings are often those in which no one ever notices everything that was carefully planned beforehand.” L. T. - How long did it take to prepare for this revival? Françoise Péricaud-Duval - About a year and a half. We began in October 2024. The first challenge was finding a venue that was elegant, spacious enough, and centrally located. I absolutely did not want a succession of small rooms, because that would have diminished the atmosphere. Choosing the venue was therefore essential. We then had to assemble both the organizing committee and the honorary committee, secure sponsors and donors, organize the charity auction and raffle, design the table settings, arrange the music, and plan the entertainment. We also recruited around thirty young volunteers to assist on the day of the Ball, particularly with welcoming the four hundred and twenty guests who had travelled from across Europe, the United States, and Latin America, as well as helping manage the raffle. Watercolour artists, an illustrator, a word artist, a silhouette artist, and photographers also helped bring the evening to life. Every one of them donated their talent. Mr. and Mrs. Bernard Ruiz-Picasso. Her Serene Highness Princess Dorothée d’Arenberg, the Duke of Crussol, Her Serene Highness Princess Aliénor d’Arenberg and Her Serene Highness Princess Theodora von und zu Liechtenstein. Their Royal Highnesses Prince Charles-Emmanuel and Princess Constance of Bourbon-Parma, Céline de Noailles de Mouchy de Poix, His Royal Highness Bailiff Prince Pedro of Bourbon-Two Sicilies, Duke of Calabria, Count of Caserta. At first, we met once a month, then once a week as the Ball approached. During the final weeks, communication with the teams at the Cercle de l’Union Interalliée and Alejandra Poupel became a daily occurrence. Their guidance in designing and coordinating the evening proved invaluable. I had also entrusted two members of the committee, both under the age of thirty-five, with managing the guest list for younger attendees, while I personally oversaw invitations for those over thirty-five. The composition of the guest list mattered enormously because I wanted every guest to be personally known by at least one member of the organizing committee. We did not sell corporate tables. The Ball was entirely private. That principle contributed greatly to the warm, welcoming atmosphere that defined the evening. L. T. - Which detail demanded the greatest amount of attention, even though it probably went unnoticed by the guests? Françoise Péricaud-Duval - The technical side was probably the most demanding. We had to create and manage several different payment links: one for guests under thirty-five, another for those over thirty-five, one for members of the Order, and another for non-members. Count Jacques de La Guillonnière, Founder and Chairman of the Novelty Group, and his wife. Thirty young volunteers sold 2,000 white carnations bearing raffle numbers throughout the evening. Since the Ball was intended to remain a private event, we also had to ensure that registration links could not simply be forwarded to people we did not know. We had also installed large screens displaying a film about the Lourdes Pilgrimage, along with the names and visual identities of everyone who had supported the event. It was important to thank our patrons and give them the visibility they deserved while ensuring that every technical aspect functioned flawlessly. These are the kinds of details that guests rarely notice when everything works perfectly, yet they require an enormous amount of preparation behind the scenes. L. T. - A few moments before the first guests arrive, when everything is finally in place, what are you feeling? Françoise Péricaud-Duval - I was anxious. I wasn’t emotional yet. As long as every guest had not arrived and been seated, I remained apprehensive. I wanted to be certain there would be no last-minute cancellations, no problems in the kitchen, and no unexpected issue beyond my control. That is undoubtedly my perfectionist side. But we had created a magnificent floral backdrop where guests were photographed as they arrived. Together with Olivier de La Chapelle, President of the French Association of Members of the Sovereign Military Hospitaller Order of Saint John of Jerusalem, of Rhodes and of Malta, I welcomed each guest, and many friends asked me to join them for photographs. Those moments gradually made me forget my anxiety. Passing the Torch “An evening comes to an end. What it passes on, however, may endure for years.” L. T. - Did seeing several generations brought together for this evening hold a particular meaning for you? Françoise Péricaud-Duval - Yes, it was unquestionably one of the evening’s principal objectives. I believe that this intergenerational diversity contributed greatly to its success. Parents were delighted to attend with their children and to see them enjoying themselves. The younger guests were equally happy to share the evening with their parents. We had arranged two separate lounges, but guests constantly moved from one to the other. There was a lounge for the younger guests and another for those who were, shall we say, young a little longer , yet the generations truly mingled throughout the evening. One of the Ball’s principal ambitions was precisely to pass on to younger generations the joy of giving oneself in service to others. Among our approximately four hundred and twenty guests, nearly one hundred and ninety were under the age of thirty-five. I wanted young people who knew little, or nothing at all, about the Order of Malta to discover it and perhaps, later on, feel inspired to become involved themselves. I am convinced that true happiness is found in giving. After the Ball, several first-time participants joined the Lourdes Pilgrimage. To me, that is an immensely meaningful achievement: new Hospitallers chose to serve in Lourdes after discovering the Sovereign Military Hospitaller Order of Saint John of Jerusalem, of Rhodes and of Malta through this evening. L. T. - Do you hope this Ball will become a lasting fixture in the life of the Order of Malta Paris and among younger generations? Françoise Péricaud-Duval - Absolutely. A new edition of the Ball will take place in 2027, at the same venue. The exact date has not yet been set, but our intention is for this to become a lasting tradition. This year’s Ball was dedicated to the International Lourdes Pilgrimage. Throughout the evening, I kept thinking of one expression in particular: to serve our Lords, the poor and the sick. Serving the most vulnerable is something that lies very close to my heart. A Deeply Personal Journey “Some missions transform those who carry them just as profoundly as those they are meant to serve.” L. T. - What has this experience taught you about yourself? Françoise Péricaud-Duval - That is a difficult question because I do not spend much time thinking about myself. I believe I discovered that my greatest strength lies in my ability to bring people together: volunteers, members of the organizing committee, donors, sponsors, and everyone who became part of this adventure. That is both what I love most and, perhaps, what I do best. When people share the same passion for serving others and creating something beautiful, extraordinary encounters naturally follow. I realized that I have the ability to gather remarkable people around a common purpose and inspire them to embark on a shared adventure. The gratitude I received after the Ball also nourished me deeply. I believe that is what truly drives me in life. L. T. - You seem to place great importance on caring for others. Is that what guides the way you organize an event of this magnitude? Françoise Péricaud-Duval - Yes. It is truly love for others that guides me. Whoever stands before us, it is love for the other person that makes it possible to create an event like this one. L. T. - If you could keep only one image from that evening, which one would it be? Françoise Péricaud-Duval - I would keep the image of our guests entering the ballroom for dinner. They arrived after the cocktail reception and discovered the beautifully set tables, the crystal glassware, the fine linens, the flowers, the candelabras, and the dance card, whose creation had required an extraordinary amount of work. Each table featured a silk twilly specially created for the occasion and offered to every guest. We deliberately chose this format rather than a traditional scarf so that men could wear it as well, particularly in the breast pocket of a dinner jacket. Valérie LeSport, founder of V.L Carré de Soie, generously created these silk twillies , while Florine Asch designed the original artwork. She also volunteered her talent to create the invitation, the menus, and the dance card. Together, these contributions gave the evening a delicate and remarkably coherent visual identity. Many guests immediately tied the twilly around their wrist or handbag. As they entered the ballroom, they discovered the dance cards, the silk twillies , the flowers, and the pale blue table linens, all harmonizing beautifully with the pastel palette of the décor. Violinists, dressed in magnificent pink tulle gowns, performed from small platforms positioned throughout the room. There was something almost fairy-tale-like. Something quietly magical. I will never forget the wonder on our guests’ faces. L. T. - When the lights go down and the last guests leave, what remains of this adventure for Françoise Péricaud-Duval? Françoise Péricaud-Duval - A feeling that the mission had been accomplished, together with immense happiness and deep serenity. There is something profoundly satisfying about knowing that you have given one hundred percent of yourself, without counting the hours, and seeing that commitment bear fruit. We raised substantial funds for the Lourdes Pilgrimage and brought together generations who danced side by side until three o’clock in the morning. The evening had been beautiful, warm, and joyful. In the end, only one very simple thought remained: “Thank You, my God.” The word that best describes what I felt at the end of the Ball is rewarding. Giving oneself freely as a volunteer offers a reward that has nothing to do with money. It comes entirely from the heart. My grandfather always used to tell me: “Happiness resides within us.” I deeply believe that we can choose to be happy by choosing to love others, to love life, and to love God. Françoise Péricaud-Duval is also the founder of N85 Paris , an agency specializing in French-style event planning and the art of entertaining. She can be reached at n85paris@gmail.com . Photo credits: @jesus_dupaux, @Olga.gasnier and @studio_vanssay.

The attacks launched from Iraqi territory against Saudi Arabia, Kuwait, and the Hashemite Kingdom of Jordan underscore the fragility of a country that remains unable to regain its balance. Saudi Arabia’s response, which targeted positions belonging to the Popular Mobilization Forces (PMF), the umbrella organization for Iraqi sectarian militias aligned with Iran’s Islamic Revolutionary Guard Corps (IRGC), confirms that the regional conflict has entered a new phase. Riyadh has made it clear that it is no longer willing to submit indefinitely to Iranian blackmail. The Islamic Republic is now playing every card at its disposal in an effort to escalate its confrontation with the United States. It is incapable of acknowledging that it is not a superpower and that it must reach an understanding with Donald Trump’s administration that would allow it to become a normal state rather than a hegemonic power imposing its will on others through Iraq, Yemen, and Lebanon. The Islamic Republic finds it equally difficult to admit that further escalation will serve no useful purpose. More importantly, the current escalation exposes the reality of Iraq’s predicament: the country remains unable to free itself from Iran’s grip, while Ali al-Zaidi’s government is, in essence, little more than a continuation of Mohammed Shia’ al-Sudani’s administration. This remains true despite the efforts it claims to be making, including setting a timetable to eliminate weapons that remain outside the authority of the state. Al-Zaidi recently visited Washington, where Donald Trump lavished him with praise during their meeting in the Oval Office. It took only a few days, however, for it to become clear that the White House’s wager on the Iraqi prime minister was misplaced and that al-Zaidi is simply not in a position to rid Iraq of Iran’s direct influence. Ultimately, it is true that Ali al-Zaidi has waged a largely successful campaign against corruption in Iraq. It is equally true, however, that this campaign has stopped short of the real power brokers, those who protect a corrupt system that emerged in 2003, when George W. Bush’s administration handed Iraq to Iran on a silver platter. There is a clear connection between corruption in Iraq and the role Iran plays in the country. Corruption not only finances the Iraqi sectarian militias affiliated with the Islamic Revolutionary Guard Corps, but also fills the coffers of the Islamic Republic and bankrolls its proxies across the region. It is not enough for Donald Trump to declare that “we will teach Iran a harsh lesson and are considering strikes against its proxies.” Such statements remain little more than rhetoric in the absence of a clear American position on Iraq’s place in the regional equation. That position should begin with an unambiguous acknowledgment that Iraq remains under Iranian domination and, at the same time, poses a threat to its neighbors. The Islamic Revolutionary Guard Corps maintains bases along Iraq’s borders with Jordan and even Syria. Moreover, most of the drones Iran launched toward Kuwait originated from Iraqi territory. Most alarming of all, the Iranian attacks against Saudi Arabia, carried out through Iraq, exposed far more than the shortcomings of Ali al-Zaidi’s government. They also demonstrated that the Islamic Republic has no respect for the agreements it signs with other states. This includes the agreement reached with Saudi Arabia in Beijing in 2023. Iran has not only violated that agreement through the Houthis in Yemen, but has also made it unmistakably clear that Iraq remains firmly in its pocket. More than that, the Islamic Republic appears prepared to use Iraq as a platform in its campaign against the Gulf Cooperation Council states and Jordan. Donald Trump’s claim that the strikes against the Popular Mobilization Forces in Iraq, carried out jointly by Saudi Arabia and U.S. Central Command (CENTCOM), “were coordinated with the Iraqi government” does little to alter the underlying reality. Such statements amount to turning a blind eye to a fact that cannot be ignored. The issue can be distilled into a simple question: where does Iraq stand in the regional equation, and can it truly become anything more than a satellite orbiting within Iran’s sphere of influence? What is most regrettable is that Ali al-Zaidi’s attempt to strike a balance between his government’s relationship with Iran and its ties with the Arab world has proved fruitless. The Iraqi prime minister has been forced to postpone his planned visit to Riyadh, at least for the time being. The postponement is entirely logical while Iraq’s place in the regional order remains unresolved and while it is still unclear whether the country has any realistic prospect of breaking free from Iranian domination. The Popular Mobilization Forces, an umbrella organization that brings together a number of militias, have become the clearest symbol of the Iranian dominance that has persisted in Iraq since 2003. Their fighters are paid from the Iraqi state budget. Donald Trump’s assertions about “coordination” with Ali al-Zaidi’s government do nothing to change that reality. On the contrary, they sidestep the central question underlying his policy toward Iraq, a policy that is bound to fail as long as the militias’ weapons, rather than the institutions of the state, continue to have the final say. Everything else is mere detail, and ultimately meaningless.

Hezbollah in Lebanon, the Houthis in Yemen, Hamas in Gaza… On Tuesday, Iran decided to mobilize its fourth major proxy in the region to ramp up pressure on the United States and its allies: Iraq, where the Islamic Republic continues to maintain a network of armed groups overseen by the Revolutionary Guards. Washington announced Wednesday airstrikes in Iraq targeting pro-Iranian armed groups, carried out jointly with Saudi Arabia, which had itself been hit earlier by missiles fired from Iraqi territory. These attacks, carried out in several Iraqi cities, killed 20 people — including five Iranians — and wounded 32 within the ranks of the Hashed al-Shaabi, according to this predominantly Shia network of factions, which is integrated into Iraq's armed forces and encompasses several pro-Iranian armed groups. While Donald Trump claimed, according to a Fox News journalist, that the strikes were "coordinated with the Iraqi government," the Iraqi presidency condemned what it called a "blatant violation of Iraq's sovereignty." Iraq's National Security Ministerial Council subsequently announced that it had adopted "a comprehensive security plan (...) to address any violation of Iraq's sovereignty and prevent any entity from using Iraqi territory to threaten neighboring states." Pro-Iranian groups in Iraq denied being behind the strikes that targeted oil facilities in eastern Saudi Arabia. Nevertheless, the U.S. military's Central Command (CENTCOM) stated Wednesday that "U.S. and Saudi combat aircraft struck multiple terrorist logistics and weapons sites in eastern Iraq." Tehran condemned the strikes carried out in the neighboring country. Iran's state television reported, on Wednesday afternoon, American bombardments on a town located near the Iraqi border. Additionally, the U.S. military announced it had intercepted missiles targeting its forces "based in the Middle East" that were fired from Iran. Iranian state television then reported American strikes in northwestern Iran. Jordan, a U.S. ally that has already been targeted by Tehran, announced early Wednesday that it had shot down five missiles fired from Iran. The Revolutionary Guards claimed responsibility for a missile attack on "an air base and the U.S. central command headquarters." In response to these repeated Iranian aggressions, U.S. President Donald Trump declared, according to remarks reported by a Fox News journalist, that the United States would strike Iran "hard" following Iranian strikes on American bases in Jordan — reigniting, after a brief lull, the conflict engulfing the Middle East. Houthi attacks in the Red Sea In Yemen, the UN-recognized government accused the Houthis on Wednesday of seeking to impose transit fees on ships passing through the Red Sea and the Strait of Bab el-Mandeb, a strategic chokepoint located at its southern end. The rebels claimed Tuesday to have targeted a Saudi oil tanker in the Red Sea using missiles, accusing it of having "violated the naval blockade" they are threatening to impose on the kingdom, the world's top crude oil exporter. Saudi Arabia is counting on the Red Sea to continue its exports, as Iran once again locks down the strategic Strait of Hormuz on the other side of the Arabian Peninsula. The Revolutionary Guards also announced Wednesday that they had intercepted and immobilized three tankers attempting to pass through the strait, through which — before the war — nearly 20% of the world's oil and liquefied natural gas transited. These new strikes came the day after Israeli Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu's visit to Washington, where he met with Donald Trump for the first time since the regional war broke out, triggered by both countries' attacks on Iran on February 28. The origins of the Hachd al-Shaabi Turning to the group known as the Hachd al-Shaabi, also known as the Popular Mobilization Forces, it was established in 2014 following a fatwa issued by Grand Ayatollah Ali al-Sistani, the highest Shia religious authority in Iraq, calling for armed resistance against the jihadist group the Islamic State (IS), which had seized vast swaths of the country. Pro-Iranian armed groups rallied together, and thousands of volunteers joined the fight. Hachd al-Shaabi fighters were largely trained by Iran and guided by Tehran-backed groups that had already fought against American forces following the 2003 invasion of Iraq and the fall of Saddam Hussein. Their activities were overseen by General Qassem Soleimani, the commander of the Quds Force — the branch of the Islamic Revolutionary Guard Corps responsible for external operations — who was killed in a U.S. airstrike in Baghdad in 2020. In 2016, legislation was passed integrating the Hachd al-Shaabi into Iraq's armed and security forces. A year later, it played a key role, alongside those forces and with the support of the U.S.-led international coalition, in the defeat of the Islamic State. Since the 2003 invasion, the United States has maintained significant influence in Iraq. However, its intervention also paved the way for the expansion of Iranian influence, as Tehran's Shia allies rose to the highest levels of power in Baghdad. Since then, Iraq has become one of the primary arenas for proxy confrontations between Washington and Tehran. Today, the Hachd al-Shaabi encompasses dozens of armed groups, including several brigades belonging to powerful pro-Iranian factions that have been designated as terrorist organizations by the United States. Some of these factions are accused of drawing government salaries while operating with complete autonomy. Over the years, their influence has grown considerably. Several groups have secured seats in parliament, while a number of their leaders, including the commander of the Hachd al-Shaabi, have been targeted by U.S. sanctions. Various pro-Iranian armed groups also belong to the broader network of the Islamic Resistance in Iraq, which has claimed hundreds of attacks against American installations across the region since the start of the war in the Middle East. They align themselves with the Tehran-led 'axis of resistance,' which also includes Lebanese Hezbollah, Hamas in Gaza, and the Houthis in Yemen. Among the most active are Kataeb Hezbollah, which has long targeted American interests in Iraq and has had several of its commanders killed in U.S. strikes. Other groups, such as Kataeb Sayyid al-Shuhada and the Al-Nujaba movement, are present on certain Hachd al-Shaabi bases while also maintaining their own facilities, primarily used for drone manufacturing. They also possess rockets and are believed to hold short-range ballistic missiles.