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Open letter to Joseph Aoun, Nawaf Salam and Nabih Berri In truth, we know nothing, for truth lies at the bottom of the abyss Democritus of Abdera Messrs. Presidents, To say that Lebanon finds itself today facing a new major existential crisis — the result of a malicious streptococcus, Hezbollah, which was not, or could not be, treated in time — borders on truism. For what is unfolding today goes far beyond the familiar mechanics of Lebanese crises. This is no longer about yet another reshuffling of confessional balances, nor even another sequence of the interminable proxy war that others have waged on our soil. What is wavering this time, more than ever, amid the din of the Israeli invasion and the collapse of the Iranian hegemonic project, is the very substrate of Greater Lebanon — that fragile, often betrayed, but irreplaceable idea that allowed antagonistic communities to cohabit, to clash violently, and, at times, to recognize one another. Which is, in the end, the lot of any couple learning to live together.

In his latest address, Naim Qassem attempted to present Hezbollah’s decision to launch rockets and widen the war as a reluctant act of defense forced upon it by Israeli violations. According to his account, Hezbollah exercised patience for fifteen months after the November 2024 ceasefire, allowed diplomacy to run its course, and finally acted only when it became clear that Israel would not stop violating Lebanon’s sovereignty. This argument does not deserve to be debated seriously, because it is built on a lie. Qassem is not mistaken, misinformed, or presenting an alternative interpretation of events. He is lying. The facts are neither complicated nor ambiguous, and the timeline itself exposes the dishonesty of his claim. Hezbollah did not suddenly discover Israel’s violations after fifteen months of silence, nor did it decide that Lebanese sovereignty had finally reached a breaking point. The organization chose its moment very carefully, and it did so immediately after the killing of Ali Khamenei.

The Council of Ministers, meeting on Thursday at the Grand Serail, adopted several measures aimed at preventing any activity and presence of the Iranian Islamic Revolutionary Guard Corps in Lebanon, in what is perceived as a real hunt for Pasdaran in the country. The government has asked the relevant ministries (Defense and Interior), as well as municipalities and various security services, to take all necessary measures to prevent any military and security activity of the Revolutionary Guards on Lebanese territory. The concerned authorities have been tasked with detecting the presence of Pasdaran in the country, arresting them, and expelling them. Furthermore, upon a proposal from the Minister of Foreign Affairs, Joe Raggi, the government decided to require an entry visa for all Iranian nationals wishing to travel to Lebanon.

The American-Israeli offensive launched on February 28 against the Iranian mullahs' regime, as well as the subsequent reopening of the South Lebanon front by Hezbollah, on the night of March 1 st to March 2, have taken a new turn over the past forty-eight hours. As aerial raids against Hezbollah positions continue, particularly in the southern suburbs of Beirut and in several villages in the southern region of the country, the Israeli air force is escalating targeted raids aimed at eliminating senior leaders of the pro-Iranian faction and fundamentalist Palestinian organizations. On Wednesday, March 4, and during the day on Thursday, March 5, raids were carried out in Aramoun, Saadiyate, Bchemoun, Choueifat, Saida, Hazmieh, on the road to Beirut airport (where two Hezbollah leaders were assassinated), Zahle and in the Palestinian camp of Baddawi, in North Lebanon, where a senior Hamas official was killed.

In truth, we know nothing, for truth lies at the bottom of the abyss Democritus of Abdera Messrs. Presidents, To say that Lebanon finds itself today facing a new major existential crisis — the result of a malicious streptococcus, Hezbollah, which was not, or could not be, treated in time — borders on truism. For what is unfolding today goes far beyond the familiar mechanics of Lebanese crises. This is no longer about yet another reshuffling of confessional balances, nor even another sequence of the interminable proxy war that others have waged on our soil. What is wavering this time, more than ever, amid the din of the Israeli invasion and the collapse of the Iranian hegemonic project, is the very substrate of Greater Lebanon — that fragile, often betrayed, but irreplaceable idea that allowed antagonistic communities to cohabit, to clash violently, and, at times, to recognize one another. Which is, in the end, the lot of any couple learning to live together.

Lebanon today stands divided along a stark vertical fault line, particularly since the executive branch moved to ban all Hezbollah’s military activity. Meanwhile, the situation on the ground continues to deteriorate, as the conflict between Israel and Hezbollah steadily widens. The opening of the southern front, coupled with Hezbollah’s political and media responses – in which it criticizes the Council of Ministers and the President of the Republic, and attacks Lebanon as a whole – can, at best, be described as irresponsible, if not openly defiant. The first to pay the price are Hezbollah’s own supporters; Lebanon as a whole comes next.