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Opinion

Naïm Kassem is a Liar

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By Makram Rabah
Published Mar 6, 2026 - 05:41

In his latest address, Naim Qassem attempted to present Hezbollah’s decision to launch rockets and widen the war as a reluctant act of defense forced upon it by Israeli violations. According to his account, Hezbollah exercised patience for fifteen months after the November 2024 ceasefire, allowed diplomacy to run its course, and finally acted only when it became clear that Israel would not stop violating Lebanon’s sovereignty.

This argument does not deserve to be debated seriously, because it is built on a lie.

Qassem is not mistaken, misinformed, or presenting an alternative interpretation of events. He is lying. The facts are neither complicated nor ambiguous, and the timeline itself exposes the dishonesty of his claim. Hezbollah did not suddenly discover Israel’s violations after fifteen months of silence, nor did it decide that Lebanese sovereignty had finally reached a breaking point. The organization chose its moment very carefully, and it did so immediately after the killing of Ali Khamenei.

That timing alone is enough to dismantle the entire narrative.

If Hezbollah’s war was truly about Lebanon, then it should have begun long before now. Qassem himself spent a considerable portion of his speech listing thousands of alleged Israeli violations during the past year—airspace incursions, border attacks, property destruction, and civilian casualties. By his own logic, these violations were severe and constant. Yet despite this supposedly unbearable situation, Hezbollah repeatedly insisted that it would remain patient and that the Lebanese state should pursue diplomacy.

For fifteen months, Hezbollah waited.

Then suddenly, after Iran’s supreme leader was killed, rockets were launched from southern Lebanon and the country was dragged once again to the edge of war. Qassem would like the Lebanese public to believe that this sequence of events is purely coincidental, that Hezbollah simply reached the limit of its patience at exactly the same moment that Iran’s leadership was struck.

No serious observer can accept such a claim.

Hezbollah did not act because Lebanese sovereignty was violated; it acted because Iran was hit. The organization’s leadership may try to wrap this decision in the language of resistance, martyrdom, and national defense, but the underlying reality remains unchanged. Hezbollah’s strategic compass does not point toward Beirut. It points toward Tehran.

In fact, Qassem himself inadvertently revealed the truth when he referred to the targeting of Khamenei during the speech as part of the context of the confrontation. That reference was not accidental. It exposed the emotional and ideological center of Hezbollah’s reaction. When Iran’s leadership was attacked, Hezbollah felt compelled to respond—not as a Lebanese political actor defending a national interest, but as a loyal component of Iran’s regional axis.

This is why engaging Qassem’s speech as if it were a legitimate political argument misses the point. The speech was not an honest attempt to explain events; it was an attempt to conceal them. Hezbollah’s leadership understands perfectly well that openly admitting the real reason behind its escalation would expose the extent to which Lebanon is treated as a battlefield for someone else’s war.

The behavior of Hezbollah’s leadership today resembles something far less noble than the heroic image it attempts to project. What remains of the organization’s leadership increasingly resembles a group of arsonists who enjoy lighting fires across Lebanon, fully aware that it is the homes of ordinary Lebanese that will burn first. They ignite wars, celebrate sacrifice, and invoke martyrdom from the safety of political speeches, while the destruction spreads through villages and neighborhoods that never chose this confrontation in the first place.

Their reaction to the killing of Iran’s supreme leader reveals this mentality with unsettling clarity. Instead of treating the moment with restraint, Hezbollah rushed to demonstrate loyalty through escalation, effectively turning Lebanon into a symbolic arena for mourning and revenge. In doing so, they asked Lebanese civilians to pay the price for the death of a man who spent his life ruling Iran through repression and exporting violence across the region. Ali Khamenei did not defend Lebanon, did not answer to the Lebanese people, and did not sacrifice anything for the country whose territory Hezbollah now places on the frontline of retaliation.

Yet Hezbollah’s leadership expects Lebanese citizens to accept this war as if it were their own.

The contradiction is glaring. Qassem speaks endlessly about sovereignty while rejecting the authority of the Lebanese state whenever that state attempts to regulate Hezbollah’s weapons. He speaks about defending Lebanon while reserving for Hezbollah the exclusive right to decide when Lebanon goes to war. He calls for national unity while accusing critics of betraying the resistance.

But sovereignty cannot exist in a country where a militia decides the fate of the nation, and unity cannot be built on a lie.

Lebanon deserves honesty about why it is repeatedly dragged into wars that devastate its towns and displace its people. What it received instead was another speech designed to obscure the truth behind ideological slogans and emotional appeals.

Qassem may hope that repeating the language of resistance will eventually convince the public that Hezbollah is acting in Lebanon’s interest. Yet the timing of this war, the structure of Hezbollah’s alliances, and the content of his own speech reveal something very different.

This is not Lebanon’s war.

It is the war of an organization that continues to treat Lebanon as the stage upon which it proves its loyalty to a foreign cause, even if the fires it lights consume the country it claims to defend.

 

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