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Massive explosion caused by an Israeli strike near the town of Al-Mansouri in southern Lebanon. (AFP)
Weekly essentials
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By LevantTime .
Published Sep 6, 2026 - 23:27
While the United States had appeared to be relying solely on economic warfare against Iran, the US military abruptly carried out strikes on Iranian territory on Tuesday in retaliation for attacks targeting oil tankers, setting off a spiral of violence over the course of the week. In Lebanon, Israel released several civilians held in its prisons, while its army seized the strategic Ali el-Taher hill and continued its heavy strikes in the area it controls in the south of the country. The week from August 31 to September 6 was marked by a sharp acceleration of events in the Middle East, after the previous one had seemed defined by relative stagnation. On the Iranian front, the US military carried out targeted strikes inside Iranian territory as early as Tuesday evening, the first in nearly a month. This screen grab, made on September 6, 2026 from undated video footage released the same day by US Central Command, shows what CENTCOM says is one of the Iranian oil tankers it destroyed in response to attempted missile attacks on naval vessels. (CENTCOM via AFP) However, the relatively limited pace of the strikes suggests that the US administration has opted for an escalation that remains controlled, while continuing its blockade and economic pressure on Tehran. Even so, tensions continued to rise throughout the week. Explosions were heard on Saturday on the highly strategic island of Kharg, through which most of Iran’s oil exports pass. US President Donald Trump, for his part, threatened to strike the Kuh-e Kolang nuclear site — “Pickaxe Mountain” in Persian — a heavily fortified facility located deep underground, not far from Natanz, Iran’s main uranium-enrichment site. Earlier in the week, he had enshrined the “tanker for tanker” equation, pledging to target an Iranian vessel every time the Islamic Revolutionary Guard Corps struck an oil tanker in the Strait of Hormuz. That is precisely what the US military did on Saturday, setting two Iranian vessels ablaze. Politically, Donald Trump further hardened his tone toward Tehran. After saying in an interview that talks had been permanently frozen “because an agreement with them is not worth the paper it is written on,” he said on Saturday that the “conflict” with Iran was not a “war,” but “something ordinary” for the United States. A way of rattling the Iranians while at the same time reassuring the US public ahead of the midterm elections. A port, along with storage facilities and warehouses, was damaged following a US military strike carried out on September 6, 2026 in Iran’s southern Hormozgan province, which borders the Strait of Hormuz. (AFP) At the same time, the US news outlet Axios published a report on Saturday suggesting that the United States is already looking beyond this conflict, which began on February 28. Citing US officials and other informed sources, the outlet said the Trump administration is developing a broader strategy for the post-war Middle East. According to the report, it would be based on creating a regional alignment aimed at containing Iran, bringing an end to the regional fallout from Hamas’s October 7, 2023 attacks in Gaza, and expanding the circle of normalization between Israel and countries in the region. The threat against Kuh-e Kolang, which brings the Iranian nuclear issue back to the fore, echoes an announcement by the International Atomic Energy Agency (IAEA), which said on September 1 that Iran had still not reopened its sites to inspectors following the strikes of May 2025. It should be recalled that despite the scale of the Israeli-American offensive against Iranian sites, it is almost certain that the stockpile of enriched uranium remains intact and has been moved to a safe location by the Iranian authorities, which remain committed to what they consider their right to develop a nuclear program. Following the IAEA announcement, the United States, together with France, Britain and Germany, said they intended to submit a resolution to the UN Security Council condemning Iran’s failure to comply with its non-proliferation commitments. This display of unity stands in contrast to the chill that has prevailed between Washington and its European allies since the beginning of the conflict. For their part, the Iranians appear to be responding to the upheaval in much the same way as before: by striking neighboring countries, notably Kuwait, the United Arab Emirates and Jordan, without directly targeting Israel. Heavy strikes in southern Lebanon On the Lebanese front, Israel is intensifying its destruction operations in villages in the south, even using explosive barrels in some cases. Lebanese President Joseph Aoun urged Washington and the international community to “put an end” to Israeli attacks on Lebanese territory, which killed seven people on Sunday against the backdrop of a fragile truce. The strikes hit several localities in the Nabatiyeh region. Twenty people were also wounded, including children, according to the Health Ministry. One strike also destroyed the former Ghandour hospital, which had been out of service for years. Release of detainees and capture of Ali el-Taher But the major event of the week in the south was the Israeli capture of the strategic Ali el-Taher hill in the Nabatiyeh region. The site served as a major Hezbollah headquarters, consisting of an extensive network of tunnels from which fighters from the Shiite party operated, along with, according to some reports, Iranian fighters. On Thursday evening, the Israelis announced that they had taken control of the complex. On Sunday, Israeli Defense Minister Israel Katz said that tunnels still had to be blown up. This military “success” may not have come as a surprise after weeks of bombardment, but Hezbollah’s reaction was more unexpected. After long insisting that it would refuse to give up this strategic hill — as had the Iranians, who had also threatened to intervene — the Shiite party ultimately sought to play down the significance of the development through its media outlets and allied networks, without officially confirming the loss of the site, which it had refused to preserve by handing it over to the Lebanese army. The other major surprise of the week was Israel’s release of five Lebanese and Syrian civilians held in its prisons. The move came following a visit to Tel Aviv by US Ambassador to Lebanon Michel Issa. According to the Israeli prime minister’s office, Thursday’s announcement “follows efforts by Israel and Lebanon to locate and repatriate the remains of leaders of the Jewish community who had been abducted and killed in Lebanon” between 1984 and 1986. Here too, Hezbollah’s reaction raises questions. While describing the move as positive but insufficient, the party once again turned on the Lebanese authorities, accusing them of “submission to the enemy” and holding them “responsible” for the disaster in the south. It even warned them against “internal conflicts.” Could the party’s military setbacks push it to turn increasingly toward the domestic front? Finally, the Israeli army made an important statement on Sunday, saying it was considering reducing its occupation zone in southern Lebanon, moving from the current “yellow zone” to a “grey zone.” Such a development would, according to this assessment, reflect a reduced threat from Hezbollah. The measure has not yet been approved by Israel’s political leadership. Yemen and Palestine The week was also particularly tense in Yemen, where clashes between Houthi rebels and government forces continued to intensify, culminating in an especially deadly Saturday in which more than 60 people were killed in a single day, bringing the death toll since Thursday to around 200. The Houthi offensive is aimed in particular at taking control of areas bordering the Bab el-Mandeb passage, which would give this Iranian ally additional leverage over another major strategic chokepoint after the Strait of Hormuz. In Palestine, particularly troubling comments by Israel Katz on Gaza marked the week. He claimed, without providing evidence, that most of the territory’s residents wanted to leave, stressing that Israel was “ready for such an evacuation” on a mass scale. A sign that the ordeal of Gaza’s residents may be far from over. Finally, it is worth noting that the IAEA announced on September 1 that facilities discovered in Deir el-Zor, Syria, indicate that Bashar al-Assad’s former regime had secretly been preparing an advanced nuclear program that could have led to the production of an atomic weapon with the help of North Korean experts.
Homage
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By Michel Hajji Georgiou - Published Sep 6, 2026 - 13:31
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The Argentine player, who brought his international career to an end on August 31, 2026, was nothing less than a magician of the stadiums. His journey, made of wonders, falls and redemption, may tell us something about our undiminished need for enchantment in a world that nevertheless claims to have rid itself of it. Announced a few weeks after the 2026 World Cup final lost to Spain, Lionel Messi’s international retirement inevitably stirred an emotion for which it is difficult to find many equivalents in the recent history of football. One would probably have to go back to Maradona, or perhaps to Cruyff or Pelé, to recover that sense that, with the retirement of a player, something disappears that extends far beyond the sport itself, as though a certain way of inhabiting football, perhaps even of believing in it, were also coming to an end. Far from the glacis of reason Enough of the endless statistics and the unbearable, tedious and sterile quarrels over “who is the greatest of all time.” The author of these lines has never been a fanatic of the round ball, nor, for that matter, of vertical rankings or hierarchies of merit in general, and consequently appreciates the talent of each player with the same sense of wonder as an eleven-year-old child. Besides, this particularly contemporary obsession with numbers ruins all the pleasure of the spectacle. And with good reason: the approach that consists in adding up goals, assists, Ballons d’Or, Champions Leagues, Copa América titles, World Cups… can only be reductive. On another register, it is not entirely unrelated to German-American philosopher Eric Voegelin’s critique of the modern Gnostic temptation: that of a form of knowledge convinced that it can imprison reality within a system and abolish whatever resists it. Records are probably one indicator of Lionel Messi’s genius. Yet so many other great players who made stadiums and hearts tremble, without achieving half of what he did, nevertheless remain eternal in our memories. What made them truly singular lies elsewhere, far from the glacis of reason. Something else was at work around them. Something belonging to a certain profound sense of transcendence that understanding can never fully grasp. This has been true of Lionel Messi for more than twenty years, since the day when, under the gaze of the “icon” Diego Maradona, he made his first appearance, in June 2006, on the World Cup stage in the colors of the Albiceleste against Serbia and Montenegro. That ineffable element that constitutes Messi’s genius, as it does that of others, may indeed touch upon one of modernity’s strangest paradoxes: the persistence of magic in a world that has constructed itself precisely against it. The disenchanted world Max Weber used the expression “disenchantment of the world” to describe the slow process by which Western modernity gradually subjected existence to rationalization, calculation, predictability and causal explanation. The world was no longer supposed to be traversed by obscure powers, signs, supernatural interventions or invisible wills; it was, at least in principle, to become intelligible. Unfortunately, modern sport, and more broadly the modern world inherited from globalization, fits perfectly within this dynamic. Today’s football, and not football alone, is probably one of the most quantified objects imaginable. The slightest gesture is measured, and everything is carefully calculated and modeled. From mathematics to artificial intelligence, raw talent now depends more on science than on enchantment. What is human in its spontaneous, even wild, relationship with the invisible that springs from the heart is disappearing before our eyes, in favor of the squaring of the VAR circle. It is, in a sense, the murder of sport in the name of greater rigor and fairness… even though the euthanasia of this share of sublime spontaneity ultimately produces glaring injustices of its own. One need only revisit some of the controversial decisions of the 2026 World Cup to see it. Paradox of paradoxes, Lionel Messi was himself, at the outset, a child of this technical modernity, to which he certainly owes part of his exceptional career. His body, too small by expected standards, was corrected through hormone treatment. Identified very early, his talent was taken in hand by an institution that organized his training, nutrition, physical development and integration into an already globalized sporting machine. Nothing, in appearance, could have been further removed from the old heroic narrative. At first sight, the story seems closer to dystopias in the vein of Gattaca than to myths and messianic narratives. And yet the old narrative did indeed return, and with an almost embarrassing insistence. Since the beginning of his career, Lionel Messi has been placed under the microscope. But the more people labored to explain and demystify him, the less they succeeded in entirely dissipating the impression produced by some of his gestures. The man simply cannot be circumscribed and reduced to an accumulation of data. At an age when most great players retreat into the shadows, he continues to surprise. To astonish, even, by bringing to sport that element of the senseless which escapes the quasi-robotic hypersystematization of the world. It is probably there that one must seek this elsewhere that characterizes Messi. In the survival of magic at a time when even the spaces that once allowed the positive expression of a humanity made of flesh and blood are gradually being “disciplined” by the hypnotic attraction of a new puritanical Gnosis in the name of modernity. The Messiah made by the machine Although he emerged, in a sense, from the machinery of the Matrix, Lionel Messi constitutes in himself a challenge to this ready-to-wear model. A kind of alter ego of Neo from The Matrix, thrown into a simulation governed by parameters that claim to calculate everything. The Argentine’s destiny gradually took on, almost despite himself, the form of a messianic narrative. The pun on his name would be too easy had it not been ceaselessly revived by his own story: that of the fragile child whose body seemed intent on denying him the fulfillment to which his talent destined him. Then that of exile at a very young age to Barcelona, adoption by a foreign city, an almost unreal ascent, worldwide recognition, followed by this strange difficulty in being recognized by his own… For a long time, Argentina maintained a relationship of hainamoration with its prodigal child. His results, his talent, his brilliance mattered little… he still had to answer one merciless question: why wasn’t he Maradona? The comparison was admittedly inevitable, but it was also profoundly unfair. Everything separated the two men in their way of being in the world. Maradona carried Argentina with everything in it that was passionate, contradictory, excessive and theatrical. He spoke, provoked, fought, fell, returned, mingled football with his private life, his anger, his political commitments… all the way to his own destruction. His very body seemed to become one of the places where the contradictions of his country were played out. Maradona was the very incarnation of what the world expected from football: a rebellious soul, sometimes pushing the game to the point of immorality, but within a kind of footballing gigantomachy. Maradona was epic. And, above all, he had placed his country at the summit of world football in 1986. Messi offered none of that. He was silent, at times almost absent from the story others were constructing around him, an absence long interpreted as a flaw. Almost erased, devoid of personality. That, moreover, was what the two giants Maradona and Pelé reproached him for: a lack of leadership, being too smooth. A kind of miracle test-tube baby of the stadiums. The boy from Rosario was also criticized for not singing the anthem loudly enough, for not being Argentine enough, for having been “manufactured” by Barcelona, and then, naturally, for failing to win with the national team what he won almost continuously with his club. The unfulfilled prophecy The dramatic loss to Germany in the 2014 World Cup final, followed by the Copa América finals of 2015 and 2016, had gradually transformed that suspicion into an accusation. When he missed his penalty against Chile in 2016 and subsequently announced that he was leaving the national team, he was nevertheless already one of the greatest players in football history. Yet his story remained strangely unfinished. The sense of incompletion had little to do with his honors. It concerned instead that quasi-archaic necessity continually imposed upon modern heroes: to bring their initiatory journey to completion. In Argentina’s colors, Messi shone, then fell heavily. But he did not rise again. He did not fulfill the prophecy. And, in the eyes of his people, this reinforced the sense of hainamoration: a fallen god remains a god, after all. But with the added burden of what his worshippers regard as an intolerable substratum of humanity and, therefore, something perfectly detestable: his flaws, his weaknesses. Argentines loved Maradona despite his spectacular downfall and his fallible humanity. But that was because he had “earned” the right to such a downfall, because it had somehow become acceptable after Mexico 1986. Messi, by contrast, did not yet have the right to fall, because he had not yet reached the summit. No, the prophecy had not been fulfilled. It was even becoming a caricature. So Messi returned. But he still had to wait for his redemption. It took the 2021 Copa América at the Maracanã for this relationship of suspicion, expectation and disappointment with his public and his people truly to begin changing. And above all it took the 2022 World Cup for the story to acquire that almost excessively perfect form that no one would have dared write without appearing to indulge in a screenwriter’s contrivance. Strangely, Maradona had died in 2020. It was as though a kind of oppressive national curse had been lifted. At the same time, the Argentine people needed a substitute father figure, and the pressure was thereby only redoubled. But perhaps mixed with a little tenderness this time? What happened in Qatar in 2022 is all the more interesting because Messi himself appeared slightly different. He protested more, answered provocations, lost his temper, spoke with a violence of which few had thought him capable, and even let slip that now famous “¿Qué mirás, bobo?” at the Dutch, to Argentina’s amusement. Buenos Aires finally discovered, belatedly, what it had always expected from him. A little Maradona in a great deal of Messi. But Messi did not become Maradona. And perhaps that was precisely where the true reconciliation occurred: Argentina stopped asking him to be. From 2022 onward, Messi no longer needed to embody another model of national genius. For his country too, he could finally become what he had already been everywhere else: Messi. Simply. The final act of the prophecy Granted, the triumph of 2022 could have constituted a perfect ending. But, as with Maradona, the final act of heroic prophecy is the fall. No one really expected anything extraordinary from Messi anymore in 2026. At 39, he was widely regarded as one of the “tired heroes.” The fall from the Capitol had come with the bitter episode of his departure from FC Barcelona and his misadventure at PSG. He was now playing only in the American league, in Miami’s colors… on the periphery of the footballing world, in the distant lands of soccer. And the new generation was already there, ready to send its ancestors off to Bicêtre. Yet this 2026 World Cup, which seemed destined to be nothing more than an epilogue, turned into one last sensational blaze of glory. Argentina reached the final once again, with Messi, at 39, restored as its “historic leader” and its recourse in decisive moments, achieving something not unlike what Roberto Baggio had done for Italy in 1994, at… 27: a perpetual deus ex machina. Baggio failed at the gates of triumph against Brazil after practically carrying Italy all the way to Pasadena. His penalty, sent over the crossbar, would leave behind one of the cruelest images in World Cup history: a man standing motionless, head bowed, hands on his hips, while Brazil celebrated its victory. The man who had “died standing.” The Italian imp never knew apotheosis. Yet this symbolic death, far from erasing his tournament, eventually became part of his legend. History was kinder to Messi, despite a campaign of hatred directed at him, mixed with accusations of cheating and favoritism, against a backdrop of controversial refereeing decisions and acts of unsporting conduct by his team, just as it had once been with Maradona. Kinder still, in fact. A final in a sixth World Cup on the verge of retirement, capped by an outstanding individual performance? That is precisely where the magic of the Messi phenomenon lies, and where it defies reason and its avalanche of statistics. Genius cannot be imprisoned within a sum of parameters and variables. Even optimal physical condition cannot by itself explain what the entire world witnessed. And what does it matter if his story reminds us that the hero, however mythical, cannot abolish the sinister influence of Saturn. The re-enchantment of the world For beyond the prophecy fulfilled, from ascent to fall, with its share of happiness and misfortune, the Argentine offered the world one final lap that belongs to art, if not to a form of Homeric poetry. With Lionel Messi’s withdrawal from the international stage, a little of the world’s magic disappears… until another providential hero returns to enchant the stadiums. For more than twenty years, Messi embodied the coexistence of two worlds we had thought incompatible: that of the extreme rationalization of modern sport and that, far older, of the hero, the sign, expectation and enchantment. When Messi leaves, something of this contradiction suddenly becomes visible. Other prodigies have already emerged, but perhaps, at the very moment when one of its last great representatives leaves the stage, we discover just how much we continue to need transcendence. The modern world has therefore probably not abolished enchantment. It has merely displaced it. For ninety minutes at a time, this man called Lionel Messi, who embodied it on football pitches, now leaves after having accomplished everything. And even more.
Analyze

Have We Become Stupider?

Or Are We Experiencing a Transformation in the Structure of Knowledge?
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By Mona Fayad - Published Sep 5, 2026 - 20:01
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The question “Has the world become stupider?” frequently returns in contemporary debates about digital media, search engines, and social networks. On the surface, it seems simple. Yet behind it lies a deeper issue concerning the very nature of knowledge: how it is produced, how it is transmitted, and how it is consumed. Perhaps “Have we become stupider?” is not the most accurate question. A better one might be: Is knowledge still being transmitted in a way that allows it to be understood and made productive? Do most readers still go back to the original texts? Or do they turn instead to summaries and to what is said about those texts through material circulating among readers? One key to understanding this phenomenon lies in the work of British psychologist Frederic Bartlett, who conducted a series of experiments in the 1930s on what he called “serial reproduction.” In these experiments, one person would be asked to hear a story and then retell it to someone else, who would in turn retell it to a third person, and so on. The results were striking: with each new transmission, the story was not conveyed as it had originally been told, but was reformulated. Some details were omitted, others were exaggerated, and still others were replaced by elements that better suited the recipient’s background, experience, and culture. By the time the chain had passed through enough people, the original story had become something entirely different. This simple model reveals a fundamental truth: memory is not a neutral container, but a mechanism of reconstruction. When knowledge passes through multiple intermediaries, it is not “preserved” but “reproduced.” Here we begin to see the resemblance to our contemporary world, and with it the fear that we may be becoming stupider. In the age of digital media, knowledge no longer travels through oral transmission, but through chains of mediation: an article is summarized, then quoted, then reposted as a short post, before being further reduced to a sentence or a headline. In this context, we might borrow a metaphor that appeared in a journalistic text: a library whose books are gradually replaced by summaries, then by summaries of summaries, until the reader is left facing layer upon layer of reduction. We might call this the “raccoon chain”: the raccoon does not read the original, but rummages through what remains of it. It is worth clarifying that the choice of the “raccoon” is not arbitrary. The metaphor symbolically condenses a cognitive condition that is becoming increasingly entrenched. This animal, which lives on the fringes of cities and rummages through garbage bins, does not produce its own food but feeds on the leftovers of what others have produced. Despite its practical intelligence and its ability to pry things apart, pick through them, and seize what is useful, it does not understand what lies before it. It treats things simply as material available for immediate use. This is what knowledge begins to look like in an age of serial reduction: texts are shortened, then shortened again, until all that remains are scraps of meaning, rearranged and circulated without any genuine connection to their source. At that point, we have not merely moved away from the original. We have entered a new phase in the production of information or knowledge, in which the cognitive actor is no longer a reader or a thinker, but a collector of fragments of meaning who redistributes them in forms designed for rapid consumption. “Raccoon culture,” then, is not merely a description of superficiality. It is an accurate description of the degradation of the knowledge chain itself: from creation to summary, from understanding to formal processing, from ideas to something resembling only their faded trace. Yet this phenomenon cannot be understood apart from the technological structure that governs it. Here Marshall McLuhan becomes relevant, with his famous formulation: “The medium is the message.” The problem lies not only in content, but also in the form through which that content is transmitted. Contemporary digital media do not simply convey information. They reshape it according to the logic of speed, condensation, and fragmentation. Long texts become unsuitable for consumption, while an idea becomes acceptable only if it can be compressed into a few shareable lines. This transformation produces a striking paradox: we live in a time when access to knowledge is no longer difficult. It is excessively easy. And with that excessive ease comes what might be called a “cognitive illusion”: reading a brief passage or a quick summary can be enough to make a person feel that they have grasped an idea. Yet this feeling of possession is not necessarily accompanied by deep understanding, or by the ability to reconstruct or critique that knowledge. This is where we encounter what might be called the “semi-educated”: people who possess the signs of knowledge but not its structure, its vocabulary but not its internal logic. The problem becomes even more complex when viewed through the lens of attention. Instead of remaining in a state of sustained concentration, as in traditional reading or prolonged reflection, the mind now exists under continuous informational bombardment: notifications, clips, headlines, and successive waves of content. This does not merely fragment attention. It reshapes it according to a logic of constant jumping between short units of meaning, rather than the gradual and cumulative construction of an idea. I am reminded here of a joke that we used to tell and that was widely circulated during the days of popular demonstrations. It vividly illustrates the process of reduction and reshaping of content. After the occupation of Palestine, many popular demonstrations took to the streets chanting, “Down with the Balfour Declaration!” The joke was that by the end of the demonstration, the slogan had become, in Arabic, “Let one fall from above,” a completely different phrase that retained something of the original slogan’s rhythm and sound. This image may help bring us closer to what happens in everyday language when knowledge is transformed into short messages that are collectively repeated. A demonstration begins with a precise political slogan. Through repetition, collective immersion, and sonic rhythm, it gradually turns into a completely different formula. The new version may preserve the rhythm and emotional charge of the original, while losing its meaning and original significance. What remains is no longer the meaning, but the emotional energy of the phrase. Here, in another form, we encounter what Bartlett observed: what matters is not merely what was said, but how it was retold and how it was reinterpreted within a changing social context. If we bring these strands together, we might say that what we are experiencing today is not so much a “collapse of intelligence” as a transformation in the conditions under which intelligence operates. The human mind has not changed radically, but the environment in which it functions has changed profoundly: from an environment that allowed slow accumulation to one that imposes the rapid and fragmented reproduction of knowledge. This transformation creates a permanent tension between two kinds of thinking: reflective thought, which requires time, and rapid thought, which demands an immediate response. Seen in this light, the question “Have we become stupider?” is partly misleading. It may be more accurate to say that we are increasingly exposed to conditions that make deep thinking less stable, or less possible, and knowledge more vulnerable to fragmentation and recycling. As for stupidity, if the term can be used, it may not be a quality of the mind at all, but rather a side effect and a characteristic of the cultural structure that has emerged. It is a technology that reshapes our relationship with the world. Thus, rather than seeing this as a decline in human capacities, we might understand it as a transformation in the “knowledge environment”: an environment in which it has become easy to know something, but harder to truly understand it in depth.
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Iranian conflict: caught between military escalation and fruitless negotiations

The past week was marked by failed attempts to reach an agreement protocol between Washington and Tehran, amid contradictory statements. Between Lebanon and Israel, a clear military escalation was recorded on the ground, accompanied by significant Israeli advances that reportedly crossed the Litani River. The recent days in the Middle East have been characterized by a statement made by U.S. President Donald Trump the previous weekend about the imminent conclusion of an agreement protocol between the United States and Iran, which would pave the way for 60 additional days of negotiations and allow for lifting the blockade on Iranian ports and reopening the Strait of Hormuz. Yet the optimism displayed by the American president on more than one occasion has had no effect: the week ends without any notable progress, and all options remain on the table, including another round of violence. A statement made by an "American official" to Axios on Sunday sums up the situation: There will be an agreement with Iran, but the date of its signing is not yet determined. A major moment this week occurred Friday afternoon, Levant time, when Donald Trump announced he would make his decision regarding the Iran deal following a meeting with his advisors in Washington. In one of his social media posts, he revealed details about the proposed document: an immediate lifting of the blockade in exchange for reopening the Strait of Hormuz, and destruction of Iranian enriched uranium by the Americans under the supervision of the International Atomic Energy Agency. And most importantly, no disbursement of frozen Iranian assets for now. But he emerged from this meeting without announcing a decision that day. The American president repeatedly assured that he would not sign an agreement that does not respect the "red lines" he has defined. For their part, the Iranians repeatedly denied each of Donald Trump's statements, in the form of information provided by sources to Iranian state media outlets (notably those close to the Revolutionary Guards) rather than through official statements. According to these "sources," there is no question of nuclear destruction in the agreement protocol, and the Strait of Hormuz would remain under joint Iranian and Omani control. This prompted an American threat from Treasury Secretary Scott Bessent against the Sultanate of Oman, who brandished the threat of "punitive measures" if the sultanate participates with Iran in collecting passage fees imposed on ships. The Strait of Hormuz thus remains the main sticking point, according to leaked information, just as the question of frozen assets and sanctions that the Americans are unwilling to lift except gradually. After such a week of mixed messages, the protagonists of this seemingly endless theatrical piece appear deadlocked, each on their own side. The American president and his team are facing mounting pressure due to this unpopular war in the United States and its economic consequences from rising fuel prices, yet cannot settle for an agreement that would be perceived as a step back from the pre-war situation (since February 28) and, above all, compared to the nuclear agreement previously signed by former president Barack Obama. In an interview this week, when asked by an American journalist about the pressure of midterm elections on his decisions, Donald Trump assured that democratic deadlines cannot deter him from pursuing his objective of preventing Iran from possessing nuclear weapons. For its part, Iran appears mired in its own internal struggles, and decision-making there seems increasingly difficult, despite recurring statements attributed to Supreme Leader Mojtaba Khamenei, more elusive than ever. The hardline faction of the regime remains capable of blocking any agreement by showing intransigence on certain points, notably the reopening of the Strait of Hormuz. The specter of a new popular uprising triggered by the suffocating economic crisis would not be far from the concerns of the Pasdaran: with the partial restoration of the internet in Iran, videos of major protests are beginning to circulate on accounts of Iranians opposed to the regime abroad, with information about fierce repression being carried out against them. Reports of executions of opponents continue: this week it was revealed that two Kurdish brothers, suspected by the Revolutionary Guards of being part of the "instigators" of the January movement in Iran, were tracked down and killed. On the ground, despite the predominance of the possibility of an agreement, security incidents have not been lacking. On Thursday, explosions were heard in the Iranian port of Bandar Abbas and Iranian missile fire hit vessels attempting to pass through the Strait of Hormuz. Kuwait was targeted by Iranian fire this week, with the Guards claiming to have attacked an American base. But none of these attacks were of a nature to escalate into a large-scale confrontation, although they show how fragile the current truce remains. Israeli Concerns The memorandum of understanding taking shape between Iran and the United States has not overshadowed the Lebanese dimension of the conflict. Indeed, the statements of the two belligerents practically agree on only one point: the extension of the ceasefire on the Iranian front would be accompanied by an effective cessation of hostilities on the Lebanese front, between Israel and Hezbollah. Reports of Israeli concern about halting its operation in southern Lebanon without achieving the goal of dismantling Hezbollah are multiplying in the Israeli press. The Shiite party, for its part, took the opportunity, through its deputies, to criticize the direct negotiations conducted by Lebanese authorities with Israel, and assert that only negotiations with Iran could achieve a genuine ceasefire. Another source of concern for Israelis: in everything that has accompanied the leaks regarding the emerging Iran-US agreement, the two major points absent are Iranian regional influence through its armed wings and the fate of ballistic missiles in Iran. This week, another of these armed wings, Iraqi Hezbollah, announced it does not want to hand over its weapons to the Iraqi state and is seeking to strengthen its military capacity. Beaufort Castle Under Israeli Control On the Lebanese front, this week was marked by a clear advance of the Israeli army in depth. The Israeli army reportedly crossed the Litani toward the north after constructing five military bridges there. The week was further marked by two factors: Lebanese-Israeli military negotiations in Washington and an unprecedented escalation in southern Lebanon and the Bekaa. The talks at the Pentagon late in the week between the two military delegations lasted more than ten hours, and the feedback is not reassuring. In both Israeli and Lebanese press, there is consensus that no breakthrough resulted from these meetings. According to the Lebanese army, it is not possible to make progress without a ceasefire. The Israeli side, based on press analyses, complains that the Lebanese do not hold all the cards. Washington nonetheless called this session "constructive," and talks will continue. The coming week will see a new round of political negotiations in Washington on June 2 and 3. These negotiations are taking place under Israeli fire and Hezbollah escalation, making them extremely difficult. A difficulty underscored on Saturday by Prime Minister Nawaf Salam. While denouncing Israel's systematic destruction of the South, he emphasized that "negotiations remain the least costly path" for Lebanon. On this map produced by the UN, one can clearly see the strategic position of Beaufort Castle, which serves as an observation point on the Lebanese side and even, to the east on the occupied Golan and the "Galilee Panhandle" (UN) The South, meanwhile, is ablaze more than ever. On Sunday, the Israelis announced the capture of the highly strategic Beaufort Castle and are moving toward controlling the Nabatiyé region. This move would cut off all supply lines for Hezbollah militants between the South and the Bekaa, and would reinstate the border strip line as it was before the 2000 withdrawal, but this time without its inhabitants. Evacuation calls "north of Zahrani" in recent days, the latest on Sunday morning, suggest an occupation of much larger territories in the coming days. It should be noted that Civil Defense announced on Sunday its decision to leave the city of Tyre and retreat to Sidon. Hezbollah, for its part, has also increased the intensity of its attacks, resuming the launch of missiles deep into northern Israel. In its statements, it asserts it is waging fierce battles on the ground, particularly around Nabatiyeh. Hezbollah's attacks are apparently forcing the Israelis to take stricter measures in northern Israel, closing schools and beaches and asking a northern hospital to set up an underground center. Israeli Channel 13 cited military sources who say they are "surprised" by the extent of Hezbollah's response, reiterating that maintaining troops in place in Lebanon would be a prerequisite for any further negotiations. This week was also marked by threats to Lebanese heritage, first and foremost Beaufort Castle, directly hit by missiles, a medieval marvel in turmoil. These threats prompted Foreign Minister Joe Rajji and Culture Minister Ghassan Salamé to speak out demanding international protection, particularly regarding the remains of Tyre. Facing this military escalation, French Foreign Ministry chief Jean-Noël Barrot announced Sunday evening that France has decided to call for an urgent UN Security Council meeting to examine developments in Lebanon. This meeting is expected to take place on Monday, according to diplomatic sources. The calls from Tyre and Nabatiyé Another major development this week: a dual appeal by more than a hundred intellectuals from Tyre and as many from Nabatiyé for the demilitarization of these two heritage-rich regions and their placement under the sole authority of the state, for their protection. A "rebellion" that shows a clear shift in mood among the southern population, and one that was therefore very poorly received by Hezbollah. In short, nothing suggests a decrease in tensions in the South in the coming week. On Sunday, Israeli Chief of Staff Eyal Zamir assured that the 'operation in Lebanon is far from over,' not to mention statements favoring escalation by Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu and Defense Minister Israel Katz, who emphasized that the capture of Beaufort Castle is a step within the framework of large-scale military operations that could be launched shortly and might no longer be limited to South Lebanon. The two protagonists on the front appear to be pressed for time, particularly in light of a potential Iran-U.S. agreement. While the Israelis seek to achieve maximum gains on the ground, Hezbollah is trying to hold its position in hopes of a ceasefire.

Cinema, Politics and War
By
Yakzan Takki
Published

The shadow of war and politics — in the Middle East, in Ukraine, under the pressure of an increasingly threatening geopolitics — weighed heavily on the closing ceremony of the Festival's 79th edition. The most remarked-upon political address was that of Andrei Zvyagintsev, whose film Minotaur , a portrait of the Russian invasion of Ukraine seen through the disintegration of a family, was awarded the Grand Prix. The Russian director, living in exile in France, spoke directly to President Vladimir Putin: "Stop this farce. The entire world is waiting for the massacre to end, with millions of men facing each other on either side of the front line, dreaming of nothing but an end to a war that has lost its appeal on both warring sides." His words carried the distant echo of the address that Ukrainian President Volodymyr Zelensky had delivered from that same stage on 17 May 2022. From meta-fiction to the abyss, there is often only one step — and it was a step the 2026 Cannes Film Festival took by selecting, from among the twenty-two films in competition, six works devoted to war. That cinema, an art form attuned to the pulse of the world, should exert such political force is nothing new. But the complexity of this year's Cannes narrative lies in two competing tensions: on one side, the diversity of perspectives approaching war through historical fidelity and artistic achievement in capturing horror and violence; on the other, the risk that all of this amounts to no more than a glance, with neither tendency necessarily forming a coherent whole in the face of the same reality. The distance was considerable, both aesthetically and philosophically, between Notre salut by Emmanuel Marre — which traces, through the itinerary of a modest employee under Pétain and in all circumstances, the spirit of collaboration — and Moulin by László Nemes, which exalts the testimony of the Resistance fighter Jean Moulin, tortured to death by Klaus Barbie. Fatherland , meanwhile, chooses a third path, pointing to the moral and civilisational catastrophe of the Second World War through Thomas Mann's return to Germany in 1949. It is within this same divide that the presence of actress Julianne Moore at the Festival takes on its meaning, having come during the first week of this 79th edition to receive the Women in Motion award — a distinction that has, over the years, notably honoured Jane Fonda, Viola Davis and Michelle Yeoh. Todd Haynes’s muse expressed clearly defined political positions, recounting how, since childhood, she has lost herself in her libraries, which have become refuges, finding in them a human understanding of the world and those who shape it, whether their fate is tragic or not. Within the sometimes superficial bubble of Los Angeles, Moore strives, with the help of her communications teams, to lend depth to subjects that often remain abstract, even as everything depends on a clear if stifling vision. That same logic brought her the ultimate recognition, the Oscar for Best Actress for Still Alice (2014). "It is the weight of history, and this dream factory that I am proud to contribute to, through commitment against the bearing of arms and against the social chaos in which we live — a chaos that saddens and frightens me within a generally unbalanced geopolitical context," she says. Moore is known for her closeness to the Democrats, while having kept her distance from the most recent political cycle, appearing less frequently alongside Joe Biden and Kamala Harris. She accordingly chose to limit her exposure to the press, preferring, while others gave themselves over to red carpets and premieres, a form of strategic withdrawal from films laden with explosions and bombs, in light of a current world situation she finds "incredibly artificial." It is worth noting the incongruity of the Best Screenplay prize going to Notre salut , a powerful and authentic work on collaboration, all the more so given that director Emmanuel Marre acknowledged that many of its scenes had been improvised. The Jury Prize went to Das geträumte Abenteuer by Valeska Grisebach, a film that divided opinions sharply. The apex was the Best Director prize, which honoured two directors jointly for The Black Ball , a film that traces Spanish history across a century, weaving together the Franco era and homosexuality. In parallel, the world of cinema is distancing itself from more radical voices, following declarations by Maxime Saada, CEO of Canal+. French cinema exhibitors, producers and distributors have expressed their concern at a growing radicalisation of cinematic expression as the presidential election approaches. A petition entitled "Do not turn toward Bolloré" had circulated at the Festival's opening, gathering more than six hundred signatures from cinema professionals. In it they protest against what they perceive as the Breton businessman's grip on the seventh art and his monopolistic ambitions, particularly with regard to cinema financing. With the exception of Adèle Haenel, who has not shot a film in six years, Juliette Binoche, Anna Mouglalis and Swann Arlaud, the vast majority of signatories remain little known within the professional world — some viewing the petition as more of a political front than a professional one — since no one had observed any homogenisation of films or any fascistic grip on the collective imagination through Canal+, including in the left-wing organisations that Bolloré had already dismantled. Many producers nonetheless maintain: "One day, perhaps, we will have to worry about Vincent Bolloré's influence on cinema, the erosion of intellectual and artistic power, and the endgame for cultural progressivism." Whatever the case, and regardless of whether film narratives bear any relation to far-right ideology, the UGC cinemas were not bought by Vincent Bolloré for ideological reasons, but by Maxime Saada, Chairman of Canal+, for industrial ones. "It is a massacre, and it will only get worse," says one distributor — and this Festival may be the last before the far right comes to power, from the perspective of those who defend independence, creativity and democracy. On the cinematic front, everyone may soon be asked to choose their side, between right and left, between solidarity with the human tragedies of the Middle East or refusal to carry them. But more fundamentally still, while French filmmakers battle over Bolloré, the internet giants — YouTube, Facebook, Amazon, Disney, Netflix, Meta — are weaving a web that allows them to consolidate their hold over images. This will not be without consequences for the economics of cinema, nor for the diversity of aesthetics, as artificial intelligence makes its way into the world of film, as GAFA companies fund films and series, and as Amazon, at the helm of Prime Video, multiplies its wealth. These same giants simultaneously dominate the advertising market. The "Creator Economy Summit," recently established by the Festival and held for the first time this year, saw the emergence of a new generation of digital creators building vast audiences on platforms such as Instagram, YouTube and TikTok — developing, financing and distributing stories with a speed that is now directing them toward long-form narrative and cinema production. This first encounter between two profoundly different worlds — filmmakers and influencers — made it possible to address the major challenges spanning distribution, production, writing, talent management and the fluidity of content diffusion. No GAFAM company or Big Tech firm can afford to ignore the creator economy, whose revenues are expected to exceed 250 billion dollars this year. Cinema is under pressure, and the traditional sector is tearing itself apart. The cultural world risks losing the battle of cinematic narrative, which has nourished itself in part on public money. This is a staggering cultural upheaval, born of an evolution that has unfolded in very different ways, as billionaires proliferate across information channels and a form of ideological totalitarianism imposes itself on cinema — confirming the failure of the "democratisation" of cinematic culture. As for fictional scenarios, social conformity is winning out everywhere.

Why Jordan’s Confidence in the Future?
By
Khairallah Khairallah
Published

The address that King Abdullah II delivered to Jordanians on the eightieth anniversary of independence was nothing less than an expression of confidence in the future and in the capacity to confront the challenges of a region that, to put it mildly, is adrift in turbulent winds. More important than anything else, the Jordanian sovereign sketched the image of the future to which Jordan aspires as a modern state — one that possesses few natural resources but has succeeded in developing its own distinctive wealth: the wealth of the human being. Abdullah II’s address was brief, yet it contained enough courage to affirm that Jordan genuinely practices tolerance on the ground, in a region saturated with contradictions and extremists from every direction. It is no ordinary thing for the Jordanian monarch to speak of his country’s nature while addressing both the “sons” and “daughters” of Jordan, declaring: “Jordan has never been a margin in the narrative of humanity, but a homeland of nations and a land of harmony. On the bank of its river, Christ was baptized; within its bounds, the Companions and the Followers lived. Civilizations flourished on its soil and offered the world lessons in resilience and steadfastness, teaching us to persevere and to turn hardship into opportunity. The present bears the best witness to this. For despite all circumstances, Jordan has preserved its borders and its security, continued its democratic path, and shielded its economy from the effects of crises.” Among the most significant passages of the address is Abdullah II’s statement: “Today, we celebrate not only what we have achieved, but what we possess in terms of destiny and capacity. Pride is not our purpose; what we seek is the consolidation of our confidence in this homeland.” Jordan knows itself, knows its direction, and knows its choices. This means the Kingdom fully understands the nature of events unfolding in the region and knows how to engage with them, drawing on long experience in this domain. If the events of the past eighty years have proven anything, it is that Jordan is one of the region’s constants. Syria changed, Iraq changed — and Jordan remained what it is: a Hashemite kingdom that requires lessons in patriotism from no one, including those Palestinian organizations that once believed “the road to Jerusalem passes through Amman.” Jordan has always navigated Iraqi and Syrian changes and upheavals with simultaneous flexibility and firmness. It did so even as it was targeted on many occasions — particularly during the period of Egyptian-Syrian union between 1958 and 1961, and during Hafez al-Assad’s rise to power after 1970. At that time, King Hussein knew how to contain Assad the father, who sought to bring Jordan under his wing as he had done with Lebanon, and to forge a front under his command stretching from Aqaba to Naqoura in southern Lebanon. As for the Gulf states, Jordan’s relationship with them has evolved considerably. Since the birth of the “Islamic Republic” regime in 1979, and since that regime waged war against Iraq between 1980 and 1988, Jordan — which took a clear position against it from the outset — has become an integral part of Gulf security. One must pause at the reference to the phrase “on the bank of its river, Christ was baptized.” This expression affirms the historical and civilizational significance of Jordan, and the extent to which the Hashemite throne has internalized this significance and this historical depth of a country that came into being through the interaction between its native inhabitants — the East Jordanians — and the Hashemites. This dates to the early nineteen-twenties, when the entity was the Emirate of Transjordan, which in time became the Hashemite Kingdom of Jordan in 1946. Throughout its entire history, Jordan has preserved certain values grounded in the recognition of all its constituent communities — no distinction between one citizen and another on grounds of religion or nationality. This explains the full integration between Jordan’s tribes, including Christian tribes, and the Hashemite throne, as well as between the throne and the Circassians, Druze, Chechens, and those of Levantine origin. This interaction among all these communities has added immunity, strength, and stability to Jordan. It has reinforced Jordan’s positive role in the Palestinian cause and shored up Palestinian steadfastness in the West Bank, making the Kingdom a lifeline enabling Palestinians to reach the world and return to Palestine via the King Hussein Bridge. Abdullah II has often stated that the issue is not one of tolerance so much as one of recognition of the other. It is therefore no coincidence that Jordan holds the custodianship over the Christian and Islamic holy sites in Jerusalem. A historic bond exists between the Hashemites and the holy sites of Jerusalem, in particular al-Aqsa Mosque. Ultimately, the relationship between Jordan and the Palestinians cannot be ignored. This relationship has transformed over time, shaped by successive experiences, into something more than positive. In 1970, Jordan saved the Palestinians from themselves, thanks to its institutions — above all its army — and to the deep cohesion between the royal institution and the tribes. Jordan went further still by closing the door on the Israeli right, which at a certain point dreamed of the country as an “alternative homeland.” Today, the Palestinians have become a positive factor in domestic affairs and in the service of stability. They are no longer merely an economic force of considerable weight within the Kingdom. The importance of Jordan has been revealed to them, particularly after they discovered the value of Jordanian stability and the meaning of living in a state with solid institutions, one that rejects all forms of extremism and turns away from hollow slogans that carry no weight in practice. Everything Jordan has done — including the decision to disengage from the West Bank in 1988 and the conclusion of the Wadi Araba agreement with Israel in 1994 — represents an affirmation of the drive toward the eventual establishment of an independent Palestinian state. Abdullah II’s address to the Jordanians was a message from the heart. It was an expression of the capacity to exercise self-confidence and to continue building a strong state — one firmly attached to its history and its roots, knowing first and foremost what it wants.

Salam: Negotiating with Israel is the least costly approach

Negotiations and dialogue in Washington, conflict and airstrikes in Lebanon. Saturday, May 30 was marked by an intervention from Lebanese Prime Minister Nawaf Salam, who condemned Israeli airstrikes, while the Pentagon assured that discussions between Israeli and Lebanese military officials in Washington on Friday, May 29 had been "constructive." In a televised address, Nawaf Salam argued that Israel's "scorched earth policy" and "collective punishment" would bring it neither security nor stability. Following new Israeli-Lebanese discussions at the Pentagon, as the Israeli military continues to advance deep into Lebanese territory, Salam nonetheless defended the continuation of negotiations with Israel. These constitute "the least costly path" for Beirut, emphasized the head of government. Lebanese President Joseph Aoun, for his part, assured U.S. Secretary of State Marco Rubio that a ceasefire was "an essential prerequisite" for any progress in negotiations. Pentagon Deputy Chief Elbridge Colby described Friday's meeting as "constructive," saying it would serve as "a foundation for the political track" to be addressed by the two countries on June 2 and 3 at the State Department. According to an Israeli source cited by Reuters, Israel and Lebanon did not address the issue of southern Beirut, a Hezbollah stronghold, where Israel claims to have largely contained its attacks under U.S. pressure. Israel continues its expansion northward On the military operations front, the Israeli military called on Saturday morning for residents of more than a dozen villages in South Lebanon to evacuate before airstrikes targeting several localities in the region. For its part, the Lebanese army announced that an Israeli drone strike, described as "targeted," had seriously wounded two of its soldiers in a vehicle near the city of Nabatieh. Artillery fire also targeted the surroundings of the medieval fortress of Beaufort, following statements by Foreign Affairs Minister Joe Raggi and Culture Minister Ghassan Salamé, who had expressed concern about the "serious threat" that Israeli attacks pose to historical heritage. It should be noted in this regard that the Israeli military released a video, widely circulated by several Lebanese media outlets, showing that the strikes that hit the Greek Orthodox Church of Saint George in Marjayoun 48 hours earlier came from positions held by Hezbollah. Appeals from influential circles in Nabatieh and Tyre Faced with a surge in raids and bombings, President Joseph Aoun and the Prime Minister denounced in a joint statement "Israel's condemnable practices," "the expansion of its attacks," as well as "the continuation of bombings and the bulldozing of homes and historical sites." It should be noted against the backdrop of this context that about a hundred intellectuals and influential figures from Nabatieh and an equal number from the city of Tyre have respectively issued an "appeal" in which they demand the demilitarization of both localities, the end of all militia presence, and the restoration of the sole authority of the state and army in the cities in question. Both "appeals" stand against the fact that the Iranian Islamic Revolution Guards have drawn South Lebanon into a "futile war" and support the steps undertaken by the Lebanese government to restore peace in South Lebanon. It should be noted that Hezbollah issued a statement strongly condemning the content of both the Nabatieh and Tyre "appeals." In Iran, Washington's "red lines" On the regional front, the United States said Saturday that it has the necessary means to resume military action against Iran, while reaffirming that a peace agreement would only be possible if their "red lines" were respected. In this context, U.S. Defense Secretary Pete Hegseth stated that the United States was "fully capable" of resuming hostilities against Iran "if necessary." "Our stockpiles are well-suited for this purpose," he said at a defense forum in Singapore. An American diplomatic source indicated Saturday that if negotiations stall over three key issues — enriched uranium stockpiles, the Strait of Hormuz, and frozen Iranian assets abroad — the main obstacle stems from the regime's hardline faction. This is notably represented by General Esmail Qa'ani, commander of the Quds Force of the Islamic Revolutionary Guards, as well as by deputy Ebrahim Azizi, known for his radical positions. According to this source, these two influential figures in the regime oppose the Speaker of Parliament, Mohammad Bagher Ghalibaf, who has recently shown signs of openness toward Washington. Meanwhile, in Iraq, a statement made Saturday by a security official of Kataeb Hezbollah — an organization often referred to as the "Iraqi Hezbollah" — has reignited the controversy over the future of weapons outside state control, as political sources in Baghdad indicate that five armed factions may be considering beginning to lay down their weapons. This Shiite faction close to Iran stressed that it refuses to hand over its weapons to the central government and is determined to "continue the resistance," stating that it was "ready to receive certain specialized weapons for which state institutions lack the necessary expertise, such as drones, cruise missiles, and anti-tank weapons," adding that it was also "ready to finance them." It should be noted, in conclusion, that the U.S. State Department has removed Tom Barrack from his position as special envoy for Syria, without providing further details.

Will Bashar Be Extradited from Russia?
By
Youssef Mouawad
Published

It is dishonorable to hand over a fugitive to his enemies! In our region, the “duty of asylum,” an unavoidable obligation, dates back to the pre-Islamic Jahiliyyah era. No “noble man” would surrender a person to those pursuing him, for the disgrace would stain his entire lineage. But what, then, should be said of judicial extradition in our contemporary world? Is it acceptable merely because international conventions have laid down its conditions and procedures? Bashar al-Assad and his camarilla, whose members number in the dozens, found refuge as early as December 2024 in the Russian Federation, as well as in Iran, Iraq, and Lebanon. Is there any chance that all these people will one day stand trial, in Damascus or elsewhere? Has Syria Requested Bashar’s Extradition from Russia? This blunt question has repeatedly been put to Sergei Lavrov, Russia’s foreign minister, and, as a seasoned diplomat, he has always evaded it. Yet his evasive answers did not prevent Syria’s interim president, Ahmed al-Chareh, from asking Vladimir Putin during his visit to Moscow in October 2025 to hand over “all those who committed war crimes” during the last civil conflict, foremost among them, of course, the deposed head of state and his brother Maher. Nothing came of it, and the Syrian authorities had to renew their request last May, formally asking Moscow for the extradition of the pursued criminals within the framework of the transitional justice proceedings launched in Damascus at the end of April. At least, that is what a judicial source claims. Extradite or Prosecute As a former head of state, a deposed president does not enjoy immunity from prosecution for war crimes or crimes against humanity. One need only recall the fate of Augusto Pinochet, who was arrested in London in October 1998. As for Slobodan Milošević, he was indicted in May 1999 and tried before the International Criminal Tribunal for the former Yugoslavia. Moreover, judicial proceedings have even been initiated by the International Criminal Court against two sitting leaders: Vladimir Putin in March 2023 and Benjamin Netanyahu in November 2024. But what are international arrest warrants worth in certain specific contexts? Nothing more than pathetic gestures. Thus, this is where the Syrian case stands: Moscow refuses to play the game of sound international justice. The Latin maxim “aut dedere aut judicare,” meaning either extradite or prosecute, does not appear to apply to today’s Russia. For the moment, neither Bashar nor Maher al-Assad risk being troubled. With Vladimir Putin at the helm, they will neither be handed over to the justice system of their country nor prosecuted where they are. But let us instead imagine the case in which these two fugitives had found themselves in a European Union country. They would probably have appeared before a court in the host country or before a specially constituted tribunal. But they would never have been extradited. The reason is simple: neither Berlin, nor Rome, nor Paris, nor any other “civilized” capital would have extradited beneficiaries of the right of asylum to countries where they risked the death penalty. For it is understood that the gallows await, in Bilad al-Sham, those who took part in the massacres of the civil war. Bashar in Moscow, enjoying early retirement All things considered, Syria has the right to break with more than fifty years of impunity. On April 26, the “Damascus Trials” opened in the capital of the Umayyads, tasked with judging the horrors of the civil war. Yet the first hearing took place, inevitably, in the absence of Bashar and his brother, the principal actors in the tragedy. The former Syrian president fled, abandoning his accomplices and henchmen to their fate: they will pay for him. Having escaped with the treasury like a common thief, he will spend peaceful days along the banks of the Moskva River. To the blood crimes of which he stands accused will now be added those of greed and cowardice.

War in Iran: The mixed signals continue
By
LevantTime .
Published

The scenario from last weekend repeated itself on this Friday, May 29th. The media and public opinion experienced another roller coaster ride regarding American-Iranian negotiations mediated by Pakistan, aimed at ending the war situation that began on February 28th, as a prelude to bilateral talks on the major issues fueling the conflict between the United States and the Islamic Republic. As was the case last weekend, a wave of optimism swept through Friday afternoon, with reports of an imminent official announcement of a 'framework agreement' between Washington and Tehran. President Donald Trump was expected to publicly announce that he was lifting the naval blockade imposed on Iranian ports and that he was preparing to hold a meeting at the White House with his team of senior officials and advisors to 'make a final decision' regarding the emerging framework agreement. Following President Trump's announcement, media outlets received information about the terms of the memorandum of understanding in question. According to these leaks, the document provides for the immediate restoration of free maritime circulation through the Strait of Hormuz, without tolls or conditions (in exchange for lifting the naval blockade) and the destruction by the United States of enriched uranium stockpiles, 'in collaboration with the Islamic Republic and the International Atomic Energy Agency.' However, no measures were planned to end the freeze on part of Iranian assets. Nearly an hour after these details were disclosed, Iranian authorities, at least those close to the Revolutionary Guards, claimed that no agreement had yet been reached, that the information reported by President Trump was inaccurate, and, to top it off, that 'Iran is the one imposing its conditions' on the US Administration, not the other way around. The manifestly negative climate filtered to the media by the Iranian regime's faction close to the Pasdaran apparently had an impact on the course of the meeting chaired by President Trump at the White House. After two hours of discussions among senior American officials, President Trump made no announcement, contrary to what had been indicated in the afternoon. The New York Times reported that evening, citing a senior US official, that no decision was made regarding the framework agreement project, noting that 'some questions still need to be discussed.' Late in the evening, the US Treasury was to clarify that 'the blockade imposed on Iranian ports will be lifted gradually.' Israeli advances and Pentagon talks This diplomatic impasse did not overshadow developments on the military operations front, more specifically in Lebanon. The Israeli military continued its 'steamroller' operation Friday against Hezbollah positions, infrastructure, and militiamen. New intensive air raids were conducted against several localities in the South and West Bekaa. Meanwhile, according to various sources, the Israeli military continues to gain ground and is reported to have reached the outskirts of Nabatieh. Late in the evening, al-Hadath reported that Israeli forces were 500 meters from Beaufort Castle. Other sources indicated late in the evening that the IDF had virtually reached the medieval crusader castle. Earlier in the day, Israeli Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu conducted an inspection tour at the border with Lebanon. In a statement to press correspondents, he indicated that the Israeli military had crossed the Litani River and had taken positions on the region's strategic hills. "We are acting forcefully in Beirut, the South and the Bekaa, without restrictions," Mr. Netanyahu stated, citing a "collapse of Hezbollah"... Various news sources reported on Friday evening a "collapse of Hezbollah on all fronts." However, these reports could not be confirmed from independent sources. It was in this particularly tense and explosive atmosphere that the first direct Lebanese-Israeli negotiation meeting took place Friday afternoon (Levant time) at the Pentagon, as part of a "security process" running parallel to the political process of bilateral negotiations. On the sidelines of the Pentagon meeting, Secretary of State Marco Rubio contacted President Joseph Aoun by telephone to review the progress of Lebanese-Israeli dialogue. According to a statement from the presidential office, the head of state emphasized on this occasion the importance of a ceasefire as a prerequisite for any progress in negotiations with Israel. The head of American diplomacy in turn reaffirmed his country's support for "Lebanon's sovereignty, stability and independence, as well as its right to decide its own future." According to a State Department statement, Mr. Rubio paid tribute to "the courage of President Joseph Aoun, who took the initiative to engage in negotiations with Israel." The Secretary of State further stressed that "Hezbollah bears full responsibility for the ongoing fighting in Lebanon." He stated that "Hezbollah continues its attempts to obstruct negotiations with Israel."