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Photo: ANWAR AMRO/AFP
Analyze
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By Mona Fayad
Published Oct 21, 2026 - 20:27
How did Lebanon reach such a state of deterioration, to the point of collapse? What prevents the state from exercising its sovereign prerogatives, including its monopoly on violence, its authority to decide on war and peace, and its right to pursue a foreign policy consistent with its interests? Anyone who critically and impartially examines the first century of the Lebanese state’s existence will find that the ruling political class has behaved in a peculiar manner from independence to the present day. Although the founding fathers of Greater Lebanon sought to strengthen the concepts of citizenship, loyalty to the homeland, and the right to self-determination, the practices of political leaders ultimately led to the “confiscation of citizenship” and the weakening of national loyalty, to the point of its complete disappearance among some, in favor of sectarian leaders, powerful families, and foreign allegiances.
Economy
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By Bernard Raymond Jabre - Published Oct 21, 2026 - 17:55
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A burning police vehicle lies on its side on the A20 motorway, spewing thick black smoke and flames during protests on October 17, 2026. (AFP)
France is no longer facing merely a budget crisis, a political crisis, a social crisis or a crisis of authority. The real danger emerges when these crises, which until now have been relatively distinct, begin to converge, interact and feed off one another. That is when a succession of crises can become a systemic crisis of the state. This is not a prediction of France’s collapse. The state remains powerful, public administration continues to function, institutions are holding firm and the French economy remains substantial. But a deeper question arises: can a state remain fully sovereign as it gradually loses its ability to make decisions, fund them, secure public acceptance and put them into effect?
Decryption
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By Taline Becharraoui - Published Oct 20, 2026 - 23:42
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In Israel, a billboard featuring Donald Trump and Benjamin Netanyahu reads in Hebrew: “President Trump: Vote Netanyahu!” Earlier this week, Trump voiced his unequivocal support for Netanyahu ahead of Israel’s upcoming elections, scheduled for October 27. (Jack Guez / AFP)
The resumption of Lebanese-Israeli negotiations in Tampa, Florida, after more than two months of deadlock – the previous round took place in Rome in early August – is undoubtedly Tuesday’s main development. Formally, the meeting brings together military and civilian representatives from both sides, with the stated aim of taking stock of the limited progress made so far. The meeting is expected to last two or three days, but few expect much to come of it beyond each side setting out its demands, which have so far proved irreconcilable. According to MTV, the first day was devoted to reviewing the experience of the “pilot zones” and the challenges encountered. On Wednesday, discussions will focus on which countries could act as observers after UNIFIL’s departure, with a view to making recommendations to the governments concerned. The channel also reported that a third day could be devoted to bilateral meetings between US officials and each of the two delegations.
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Sheikh Naim, the State's Monopoly on Violence Begins at Ali al-Taher

Before anything else, Sheikh Naim, you must understand that all Lebanese are paying today for your political recklessness, your blind submission to Iran, and your unilateral decisions that dragged Lebanon into wars neither its people nor its State chose or approved. Those who brought the country to this tragic reality and allowed the Israeli occupation to return to parts of Southern Lebanon are not those striving today to save the country. They are those who submitted to Iran’s orders and unilaterally declared war, outside the framework of the State, its institutions, and its sovereign decision-making.

Iranian Arrogance to Justify a Lebanese Defeat
By
Khairallah Khairallah
Published

Six years after the catastrophic explosion at the Port of Beirut, at a time when it is more than likely that Hezbollah, with the complicity of others, shielded the stockpiling of ammonium nitrate, Lebanon is still struggling against its internal enemy. That enemy is embodied by Hezbollah’s weapons, which have been used both inside Lebanon and beyond its borders, particularly in Syria, long before the so-called “war in support of Gaza”, a war that ultimately brought disaster upon Lebanon’s Shiite community and, above all, a national calamity for the country itself. The latest remarks by Hezbollah Secretary General Naim Qassem are further proof of this reality. He accused the Lebanese authorities of having “helped Israel instead of helping Lebanon,” adding that “President Joseph Aoun has become a party to the conflict and a source of division, which is incompatible with the role he is supposed to play.”

Hezbollah-Israel: An Endless War in Whose Interests? (14)

This series of articles aims to provide a clearer understanding of the current situation on the Lebanese scene, viewed through the lens of history and free from passionate, ideological, or romanticized narratives that miss the realities on the ground — leaving readers to draw their own conclusions. The previous thirteen installments offered a reexamination of the events surrounding Hezbollah's rise to power, from the Taif Agreement through the incomplete implementation of UN Security Council Resolution 1701 in 2006. Since the end of the 33-day war with Israel in 2006, Hezbollah has worked to rebuild itself in terms of weaponry, reorganization, and redeployment. In short, it took a serious blow during that war, yet surprised Israel with its military capabilities. Over the following two years, it grew into a genuine armed force of regional stature, thanks to four key factors: battlefield experience; Iranian support; the Syrian land bridge (under the Assad regime) linking Tehran to Beirut; and the understanding between its Secretary-General Hassan Nasrallah and Lebanese President Emile Lahoud at the time.

Lebanese-Israeli Talks and the August 4 Indictment: The State Reasserts Itself

The seventh round of direct Lebanese-Israeli talks got underway Tuesday in Rome at the U.S. Embassy. The negotiations, described as difficult, are set to continue over three days, during which the Lebanese and Israeli delegations are expected to agree on the next stage of the mechanism envisaged for the gradual withdrawal of Tel Aviv’s forces and the deployment of the Lebanese Army. Beirut has made this issue a particular priority, while Israel remains chiefly focused on Lebanon’s mechanism envisaged for Hezbollah’s disarmament. The Iran-backed group returned to the offensive on Tuesday, lashing out at the Lebanese authorities and taking particular aim at President Joseph Aoun.

The Decisive Plan
By
Hisham Dibsi
Published

Benjamin Netanyahu took advantage of his attendance at the funeral of U.S. Senator Lindsey Graham to make another visit to the White House, after his allies succeeded in persuading President Donald Trump to receive him. This time, however, the visit came through the political back door, denying him the media triumph he had hoped to capitalize on. His subsequent television interview reflected the depth of the predicament he now faces. His facial expressions failed to convey the confidence of a victor, revealing instead a strained smile and an air of defiance. Trump, true to his uncompromising temperament, appears unwilling to be associated with a partner who brings him political liabilities rather than gains.

What If Lebanon Was at Peace?
By
Jacques Mechelany
Published

As this is being written, Lebanon is at war again. Since March 2, 2026, large-scale exchanges of fire between Israel and Hezbollah have resumed, extending a cycle of violence that began in October 2023 and never truly ended despite the November 2024 ceasefire. The war has cost more than 4,000 lives, displaced over a million Lebanese – more than a fifth of the population – and destroyed entire cities, villages and homes, some of them centuries old and irreplaceable. The International Monetary Fund now expects Lebanon’s GDP to contract by 12% to 16% in 2026, driven mainly by the collapse of tourism and the paralysis of economic activity in border regions.