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An Eye on the Event
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By Hisham Dibsi
Published Oct 24, 2026 - 03:28
Had my father not been forced to seek refuge in Lebanon and leave the city of Acre, which has no fear of the sea, I would today be actively engaged in election campaigns, like my cousins who hold Israeli citizenship. Instead, I carry a refugee identity document in Lebanon that offers me no opportunity to exercise my right to vote. My daughter, however, who holds American citizenship, argues with her Republican-leaning husband, pointing out that the Democrats are no better when it comes to either domestic or foreign policy. During election seasons, talk of national sovereignty, independence and prosperity abounds. Red and yellow lines are drawn to distinguish domestic from foreign policy, supposedly demonstrating the grandeur and nobility of national sentiment and an exceptional commitment to sovereignty.
Composed gaze
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By Rami Rayess - Published Oct 24, 2026 - 02:43
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Photo RABIH DAHER/AFP
Political interests often produce the strangest alignments. Some of these are so illogical that they are difficult to understand or even comprehend. Yet they are very real. There is an enormous gulf between how politics is practiced and how it is understood in theory. This perhaps explains many of the phenomena we are witnessing in Lebanon today. Over nearly two decades, Lebanon has gone from being a country that liberated its territory from one of the region’s most powerful and bloodiest armies, without conditions, a peace treaty, or even an agreement on security arrangements, to a state where five hills were occupied, followed by some 60 villages. Their homes have been completely razed, and more than 200,000 residents have been displaced, leaving these communities almost entirely emptied, with little or no prospect of their return in the foreseeable future.
Decryption
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By LevantTime . - Published Oct 24, 2026 - 01:10
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This photo montage created by AFP shows two armed Palestinians during an exchange of gunfire with Israeli forces, followed by Israeli soldiers gathered near their bodies after the incident, at a checkpoint in northern Hebron in the occupied West Bank on October 23, 2026. (Hazem Bader/AFP)
Israeli Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu announced a large-scale military operation in the West Bank on Friday, following an armed attack by two Palestinians on an Israeli army post near Hebron, in the south of the occupied Palestinian territory. Two soldiers were killed and three others wounded. Both attackers were shot dead. Visiting the scene, Benjamin Netanyahu immediately ordered the West Bank sealed off as part of an operation that, he said, would involve evacuating residents, systematically searching homes and destroying infrastructure that Tel Aviv considers linked to armed groups. With Israel's parliamentary elections just four days away, on Tuesday, could Netanyahu be seeking to exploit the Palestinian attack? The question arises in light of its repercussions. Had the attackers wanted to give him an electoral advantage, however small, they could not have chosen a better time.
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Lebanon: No More Resolutions, Time to Act
By
Hadi Al-Assad
Published

Lebanon can no longer afford the luxury of ambiguities. In a context of generalized collapse — economic, institutional, and social on the one hand, and of merciless war on our country — one truth imposes itself with absolute urgency: there can be no recovery, nor any affirmation of the state's role, without the full and complete restoration of its authority. On this essential point, a major step forward has already been taken: the clear decision to affirm the illegality of Hezbollah's military formation and to concentrate arms in the hands of the legitimate armed forces. This decision is just. It is necessary. It is vital.

Open War... The Negotiations, Where to?
By
Hisham Dibsi
Published

For the first time, China is throwing its full international political weight behind Pakistan, Saudi Arabia, Turkey and Egypt, in order to set the stage for American-Iranian negotiations capable of producing a workable solution on the basis of a ceasefire — not an end to the war, as Iran had demanded. The effort appears to have succeeded, with Islamabad beginning yesterday to host both delegations in the same hotel. This shift in the mediation initiative reflects Beijing's capacity to exert direct influence over Iranian decision-making, and at the same time reveals the convergence of its strategic position with that of the four countries around a shared objective: ending the war without toppling the regime in Tehran and without allowing violence to spiral toward extremities that no actor would be able to control.

What Are We to Make of This Provisional Ceasefire Agreement?

For a resounding victory, it was anything but! Donald Trump, wary of getting drawn into the Persian Gulf, found a way out by scaling back his ambitions. No more talk of changing the regime of wilayat al-faqih, nor of putting a definitive end to Iran’s nuclear program (1). With the Islamabad Agreement of April 7, he will have to settle for a consolation prize: the reopening of communication routes and free navigation through the Strait of Hormuz “in coordination with the Iranian armed forces.” Does that make it a victory for the ayatollahs? Certainly not! Javad Zarif and Foreign Affairs While Iran has shown resilience, its forces are nevertheless exhausted and its country drained. Moreover, its negotiators in Islamabad seem ready to abandon their Lebanese proxy to its fate. Tehran will not formally admit this, but Javad Zarif hinted as much in an article in Foreign Affairs (2). The former Iranian foreign minister used the opportunity of an academic contribution (?) to propose a roadmap to end the raging regional conflict: he advocated reciprocal concessions between the belligerents, de-escalation, and diplomatic normalization.

Neither arena nor Cannon Fodder
By
Mona Fayad
Published

Ten minutes were enough for Beirut and the other regions to endure the most ferocious Israeli attacks they had ever witnessed. The toll was hundreds dead and thousands wounded. All of this came to pass after the conclusion of the opaque agreement between America and Iran on a ceasefire. Israel, led by a Netanyahu unwilling to accept any agreement that would return him to the difficult domestic reality of Israeli politics, sought to convey to all parties that Iran's declaration of including Lebanon in that agreement was null and void. Iran repudiates it verbally, while continuing on its side to observe the agreement. As for Hezbollah, dispersed across every corner of the country and intermingled with the civilian population, it declared its adherence to the ceasefire and has, until now, refrained from retaliating against Israel beyond a handful of rockets fired at Kiryat Shmoneh.

Neither arena nor Cannon Fodder
By
Mona Fayad
Published

Ten minutes were enough for Beirut and the other regions to endure the most ferocious Israeli attacks they had ever witnessed. The toll was hundreds dead and thousands wounded. All of this came to pass after the conclusion of the opaque agreement between America and Iran on a ceasefire. Israel, led by a Netanyahu unwilling to accept any agreement that would return him to the difficult domestic reality of Israeli politics, sought to convey to all parties that Iran's declaration of including Lebanon in that agreement was null and void. Iran repudiates it verbally, while continuing on its side to observe the agreement. As for Hezbollah, dispersed across every corner of the country and intermingled with the civilian population, it declared its adherence to the ceasefire and has, until now, refrained from retaliating against Israel beyond a handful of rockets fired at Kiryat Shmoneh!

The Strait of Hormuz and the Convention of Montego Bay
By
Jean-Patrick Dayras
Published

The terms of the ceasefire agreement – set to last for a limited period of two weeks – remain, as presented unofficially, ambiguous. Iran is reported to have agreed to reopen the Strait of Hormuz, described as a major concession in exchange for the ceasefire. The strait meets the criteria defined by the 1982 United Nations Convention on the Law of the Sea as an international strait. Section 2 of the Convention outlines the definition of an international strait and sets out the rules governing the passage of ships through its waters and the overflight of aircraft above it. Article 37 “This section applies to straits which are used for international navigation between one part of the high seas or an exclusive economic zone and another part of the high seas or an exclusive economic zone.”