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Massive explosion caused by an Israeli strike near the town of Al-Mansouri in southern Lebanon. (AFP)
Weekly essentials
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By LevantTime .
Published Sep 6, 2026 - 23:27
While the United States had appeared to be relying solely on economic warfare against Iran, the US military abruptly carried out strikes on Iranian territory on Tuesday in retaliation for attacks targeting oil tankers, setting off a spiral of violence over the course of the week. In Lebanon, Israel released several civilians held in its prisons, while its army seized the strategic Ali el-Taher hill and continued its heavy strikes in the area it controls in the south of the country. The week from August 31 to September 6 was marked by a sharp acceleration of events in the Middle East, after the previous one had seemed defined by relative stagnation. On the Iranian front, the US military carried out targeted strikes inside Iranian territory as early as Tuesday evening, the first in nearly a month. This screen grab, made on September 6, 2026 from undated video footage released the same day by US Central Command, shows what CENTCOM says is one of the Iranian oil tankers it destroyed in response to attempted missile attacks on naval vessels. (CENTCOM via AFP) However, the relatively limited pace of the strikes suggests that the US administration has opted for an escalation that remains controlled, while continuing its blockade and economic pressure on Tehran. Even so, tensions continued to rise throughout the week. Explosions were heard on Saturday on the highly strategic island of Kharg, through which most of Iran’s oil exports pass. US President Donald Trump, for his part, threatened to strike the Kuh-e Kolang nuclear site — “Pickaxe Mountain” in Persian — a heavily fortified facility located deep underground, not far from Natanz, Iran’s main uranium-enrichment site. Earlier in the week, he had enshrined the “tanker for tanker” equation, pledging to target an Iranian vessel every time the Islamic Revolutionary Guard Corps struck an oil tanker in the Strait of Hormuz. That is precisely what the US military did on Saturday, setting two Iranian vessels ablaze. Politically, Donald Trump further hardened his tone toward Tehran. After saying in an interview that talks had been permanently frozen “because an agreement with them is not worth the paper it is written on,” he said on Saturday that the “conflict” with Iran was not a “war,” but “something ordinary” for the United States. A way of rattling the Iranians while at the same time reassuring the US public ahead of the midterm elections. A port, along with storage facilities and warehouses, was damaged following a US military strike carried out on September 6, 2026 in Iran’s southern Hormozgan province, which borders the Strait of Hormuz. (AFP) At the same time, the US news outlet Axios published a report on Saturday suggesting that the United States is already looking beyond this conflict, which began on February 28. Citing US officials and other informed sources, the outlet said the Trump administration is developing a broader strategy for the post-war Middle East. According to the report, it would be based on creating a regional alignment aimed at containing Iran, bringing an end to the regional fallout from Hamas’s October 7, 2023 attacks in Gaza, and expanding the circle of normalization between Israel and countries in the region. The threat against Kuh-e Kolang, which brings the Iranian nuclear issue back to the fore, echoes an announcement by the International Atomic Energy Agency (IAEA), which said on September 1 that Iran had still not reopened its sites to inspectors following the strikes of May 2025. It should be recalled that despite the scale of the Israeli-American offensive against Iranian sites, it is almost certain that the stockpile of enriched uranium remains intact and has been moved to a safe location by the Iranian authorities, which remain committed to what they consider their right to develop a nuclear program. Following the IAEA announcement, the United States, together with France, Britain and Germany, said they intended to submit a resolution to the UN Security Council condemning Iran’s failure to comply with its non-proliferation commitments. This display of unity stands in contrast to the chill that has prevailed between Washington and its European allies since the beginning of the conflict. For their part, the Iranians appear to be responding to the upheaval in much the same way as before: by striking neighboring countries, notably Kuwait, the United Arab Emirates and Jordan, without directly targeting Israel. Heavy strikes in southern Lebanon On the Lebanese front, Israel is intensifying its destruction operations in villages in the south, even using explosive barrels in some cases. Lebanese President Joseph Aoun urged Washington and the international community to “put an end” to Israeli attacks on Lebanese territory, which killed seven people on Sunday against the backdrop of a fragile truce. The strikes hit several localities in the Nabatiyeh region. Twenty people were also wounded, including children, according to the Health Ministry. One strike also destroyed the former Ghandour hospital, which had been out of service for years. Release of detainees and capture of Ali el-Taher But the major event of the week in the south was the Israeli capture of the strategic Ali el-Taher hill in the Nabatiyeh region. The site served as a major Hezbollah headquarters, consisting of an extensive network of tunnels from which fighters from the Shiite party operated, along with, according to some reports, Iranian fighters. On Thursday evening, the Israelis announced that they had taken control of the complex. On Sunday, Israeli Defense Minister Israel Katz said that tunnels still had to be blown up. This military “success” may not have come as a surprise after weeks of bombardment, but Hezbollah’s reaction was more unexpected. After long insisting that it would refuse to give up this strategic hill — as had the Iranians, who had also threatened to intervene — the Shiite party ultimately sought to play down the significance of the development through its media outlets and allied networks, without officially confirming the loss of the site, which it had refused to preserve by handing it over to the Lebanese army. The other major surprise of the week was Israel’s release of five Lebanese and Syrian civilians held in its prisons. The move came following a visit to Tel Aviv by US Ambassador to Lebanon Michel Issa. According to the Israeli prime minister’s office, Thursday’s announcement “follows efforts by Israel and Lebanon to locate and repatriate the remains of leaders of the Jewish community who had been abducted and killed in Lebanon” between 1984 and 1986. Here too, Hezbollah’s reaction raises questions. While describing the move as positive but insufficient, the party once again turned on the Lebanese authorities, accusing them of “submission to the enemy” and holding them “responsible” for the disaster in the south. It even warned them against “internal conflicts.” Could the party’s military setbacks push it to turn increasingly toward the domestic front? Finally, the Israeli army made an important statement on Sunday, saying it was considering reducing its occupation zone in southern Lebanon, moving from the current “yellow zone” to a “grey zone.” Such a development would, according to this assessment, reflect a reduced threat from Hezbollah. The measure has not yet been approved by Israel’s political leadership. Yemen and Palestine The week was also particularly tense in Yemen, where clashes between Houthi rebels and government forces continued to intensify, culminating in an especially deadly Saturday in which more than 60 people were killed in a single day, bringing the death toll since Thursday to around 200. The Houthi offensive is aimed in particular at taking control of areas bordering the Bab el-Mandeb passage, which would give this Iranian ally additional leverage over another major strategic chokepoint after the Strait of Hormuz. In Palestine, particularly troubling comments by Israel Katz on Gaza marked the week. He claimed, without providing evidence, that most of the territory’s residents wanted to leave, stressing that Israel was “ready for such an evacuation” on a mass scale. A sign that the ordeal of Gaza’s residents may be far from over. Finally, it is worth noting that the IAEA announced on September 1 that facilities discovered in Deir el-Zor, Syria, indicate that Bashar al-Assad’s former regime had secretly been preparing an advanced nuclear program that could have led to the production of an atomic weapon with the help of North Korean experts.
Homage
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By Michel Hajji Georgiou - Published Sep 6, 2026 - 13:31
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The Argentine player, who brought his international career to an end on August 31, 2026, was nothing less than a magician of the stadiums. His journey, made of wonders, falls and redemption, may tell us something about our undiminished need for enchantment in a world that nevertheless claims to have rid itself of it. Announced a few weeks after the 2026 World Cup final lost to Spain, Lionel Messi’s international retirement inevitably stirred an emotion for which it is difficult to find many equivalents in the recent history of football. One would probably have to go back to Maradona, or perhaps to Cruyff or Pelé, to recover that sense that, with the retirement of a player, something disappears that extends far beyond the sport itself, as though a certain way of inhabiting football, perhaps even of believing in it, were also coming to an end. Far from the glacis of reason Enough of the endless statistics and the unbearable, tedious and sterile quarrels over “who is the greatest of all time.” The author of these lines has never been a fanatic of the round ball, nor, for that matter, of vertical rankings or hierarchies of merit in general, and consequently appreciates the talent of each player with the same sense of wonder as an eleven-year-old child. Besides, this particularly contemporary obsession with numbers ruins all the pleasure of the spectacle. And with good reason: the approach that consists in adding up goals, assists, Ballons d’Or, Champions Leagues, Copa América titles, World Cups… can only be reductive. On another register, it is not entirely unrelated to German-American philosopher Eric Voegelin’s critique of the modern Gnostic temptation: that of a form of knowledge convinced that it can imprison reality within a system and abolish whatever resists it. Records are probably one indicator of Lionel Messi’s genius. Yet so many other great players who made stadiums and hearts tremble, without achieving half of what he did, nevertheless remain eternal in our memories. What made them truly singular lies elsewhere, far from the glacis of reason. Something else was at work around them. Something belonging to a certain profound sense of transcendence that understanding can never fully grasp. This has been true of Lionel Messi for more than twenty years, since the day when, under the gaze of the “icon” Diego Maradona, he made his first appearance, in June 2006, on the World Cup stage in the colors of the Albiceleste against Serbia and Montenegro. That ineffable element that constitutes Messi’s genius, as it does that of others, may indeed touch upon one of modernity’s strangest paradoxes: the persistence of magic in a world that has constructed itself precisely against it. The disenchanted world Max Weber used the expression “disenchantment of the world” to describe the slow process by which Western modernity gradually subjected existence to rationalization, calculation, predictability and causal explanation. The world was no longer supposed to be traversed by obscure powers, signs, supernatural interventions or invisible wills; it was, at least in principle, to become intelligible. Unfortunately, modern sport, and more broadly the modern world inherited from globalization, fits perfectly within this dynamic. Today’s football, and not football alone, is probably one of the most quantified objects imaginable. The slightest gesture is measured, and everything is carefully calculated and modeled. From mathematics to artificial intelligence, raw talent now depends more on science than on enchantment. What is human in its spontaneous, even wild, relationship with the invisible that springs from the heart is disappearing before our eyes, in favor of the squaring of the VAR circle. It is, in a sense, the murder of sport in the name of greater rigor and fairness… even though the euthanasia of this share of sublime spontaneity ultimately produces glaring injustices of its own. One need only revisit some of the controversial decisions of the 2026 World Cup to see it. Paradox of paradoxes, Lionel Messi was himself, at the outset, a child of this technical modernity, to which he certainly owes part of his exceptional career. His body, too small by expected standards, was corrected through hormone treatment. Identified very early, his talent was taken in hand by an institution that organized his training, nutrition, physical development and integration into an already globalized sporting machine. Nothing, in appearance, could have been further removed from the old heroic narrative. At first sight, the story seems closer to dystopias in the vein of Gattaca than to myths and messianic narratives. And yet the old narrative did indeed return, and with an almost embarrassing insistence. Since the beginning of his career, Lionel Messi has been placed under the microscope. But the more people labored to explain and demystify him, the less they succeeded in entirely dissipating the impression produced by some of his gestures. The man simply cannot be circumscribed and reduced to an accumulation of data. At an age when most great players retreat into the shadows, he continues to surprise. To astonish, even, by bringing to sport that element of the senseless which escapes the quasi-robotic hypersystematization of the world. It is probably there that one must seek this elsewhere that characterizes Messi. In the survival of magic at a time when even the spaces that once allowed the positive expression of a humanity made of flesh and blood are gradually being “disciplined” by the hypnotic attraction of a new puritanical Gnosis in the name of modernity. The Messiah made by the machine Although he emerged, in a sense, from the machinery of the Matrix, Lionel Messi constitutes in himself a challenge to this ready-to-wear model. A kind of alter ego of Neo from The Matrix, thrown into a simulation governed by parameters that claim to calculate everything. The Argentine’s destiny gradually took on, almost despite himself, the form of a messianic narrative. The pun on his name would be too easy had it not been ceaselessly revived by his own story: that of the fragile child whose body seemed intent on denying him the fulfillment to which his talent destined him. Then that of exile at a very young age to Barcelona, adoption by a foreign city, an almost unreal ascent, worldwide recognition, followed by this strange difficulty in being recognized by his own… For a long time, Argentina maintained a relationship of hainamoration with its prodigal child. His results, his talent, his brilliance mattered little… he still had to answer one merciless question: why wasn’t he Maradona? The comparison was admittedly inevitable, but it was also profoundly unfair. Everything separated the two men in their way of being in the world. Maradona carried Argentina with everything in it that was passionate, contradictory, excessive and theatrical. He spoke, provoked, fought, fell, returned, mingled football with his private life, his anger, his political commitments… all the way to his own destruction. His very body seemed to become one of the places where the contradictions of his country were played out. Maradona was the very incarnation of what the world expected from football: a rebellious soul, sometimes pushing the game to the point of immorality, but within a kind of footballing gigantomachy. Maradona was epic. And, above all, he had placed his country at the summit of world football in 1986. Messi offered none of that. He was silent, at times almost absent from the story others were constructing around him, an absence long interpreted as a flaw. Almost erased, devoid of personality. That, moreover, was what the two giants Maradona and Pelé reproached him for: a lack of leadership, being too smooth. A kind of miracle test-tube baby of the stadiums. The boy from Rosario was also criticized for not singing the anthem loudly enough, for not being Argentine enough, for having been “manufactured” by Barcelona, and then, naturally, for failing to win with the national team what he won almost continuously with his club. The unfulfilled prophecy The dramatic loss to Germany in the 2014 World Cup final, followed by the Copa América finals of 2015 and 2016, had gradually transformed that suspicion into an accusation. When he missed his penalty against Chile in 2016 and subsequently announced that he was leaving the national team, he was nevertheless already one of the greatest players in football history. Yet his story remained strangely unfinished. The sense of incompletion had little to do with his honors. It concerned instead that quasi-archaic necessity continually imposed upon modern heroes: to bring their initiatory journey to completion. In Argentina’s colors, Messi shone, then fell heavily. But he did not rise again. He did not fulfill the prophecy. And, in the eyes of his people, this reinforced the sense of hainamoration: a fallen god remains a god, after all. But with the added burden of what his worshippers regard as an intolerable substratum of humanity and, therefore, something perfectly detestable: his flaws, his weaknesses. Argentines loved Maradona despite his spectacular downfall and his fallible humanity. But that was because he had “earned” the right to such a downfall, because it had somehow become acceptable after Mexico 1986. Messi, by contrast, did not yet have the right to fall, because he had not yet reached the summit. No, the prophecy had not been fulfilled. It was even becoming a caricature. So Messi returned. But he still had to wait for his redemption. It took the 2021 Copa América at the Maracanã for this relationship of suspicion, expectation and disappointment with his public and his people truly to begin changing. And above all it took the 2022 World Cup for the story to acquire that almost excessively perfect form that no one would have dared write without appearing to indulge in a screenwriter’s contrivance. Strangely, Maradona had died in 2020. It was as though a kind of oppressive national curse had been lifted. At the same time, the Argentine people needed a substitute father figure, and the pressure was thereby only redoubled. But perhaps mixed with a little tenderness this time? What happened in Qatar in 2022 is all the more interesting because Messi himself appeared slightly different. He protested more, answered provocations, lost his temper, spoke with a violence of which few had thought him capable, and even let slip that now famous “¿Qué mirás, bobo?” at the Dutch, to Argentina’s amusement. Buenos Aires finally discovered, belatedly, what it had always expected from him. A little Maradona in a great deal of Messi. But Messi did not become Maradona. And perhaps that was precisely where the true reconciliation occurred: Argentina stopped asking him to be. From 2022 onward, Messi no longer needed to embody another model of national genius. For his country too, he could finally become what he had already been everywhere else: Messi. Simply. The final act of the prophecy Granted, the triumph of 2022 could have constituted a perfect ending. But, as with Maradona, the final act of heroic prophecy is the fall. No one really expected anything extraordinary from Messi anymore in 2026. At 39, he was widely regarded as one of the “tired heroes.” The fall from the Capitol had come with the bitter episode of his departure from FC Barcelona and his misadventure at PSG. He was now playing only in the American league, in Miami’s colors… on the periphery of the footballing world, in the distant lands of soccer. And the new generation was already there, ready to send its ancestors off to Bicêtre. Yet this 2026 World Cup, which seemed destined to be nothing more than an epilogue, turned into one last sensational blaze of glory. Argentina reached the final once again, with Messi, at 39, restored as its “historic leader” and its recourse in decisive moments, achieving something not unlike what Roberto Baggio had done for Italy in 1994, at… 27: a perpetual deus ex machina. Baggio failed at the gates of triumph against Brazil after practically carrying Italy all the way to Pasadena. His penalty, sent over the crossbar, would leave behind one of the cruelest images in World Cup history: a man standing motionless, head bowed, hands on his hips, while Brazil celebrated its victory. The man who had “died standing.” The Italian imp never knew apotheosis. Yet this symbolic death, far from erasing his tournament, eventually became part of his legend. History was kinder to Messi, despite a campaign of hatred directed at him, mixed with accusations of cheating and favoritism, against a backdrop of controversial refereeing decisions and acts of unsporting conduct by his team, just as it had once been with Maradona. Kinder still, in fact. A final in a sixth World Cup on the verge of retirement, capped by an outstanding individual performance? That is precisely where the magic of the Messi phenomenon lies, and where it defies reason and its avalanche of statistics. Genius cannot be imprisoned within a sum of parameters and variables. Even optimal physical condition cannot by itself explain what the entire world witnessed. And what does it matter if his story reminds us that the hero, however mythical, cannot abolish the sinister influence of Saturn. The re-enchantment of the world For beyond the prophecy fulfilled, from ascent to fall, with its share of happiness and misfortune, the Argentine offered the world one final lap that belongs to art, if not to a form of Homeric poetry. With Lionel Messi’s withdrawal from the international stage, a little of the world’s magic disappears… until another providential hero returns to enchant the stadiums. For more than twenty years, Messi embodied the coexistence of two worlds we had thought incompatible: that of the extreme rationalization of modern sport and that, far older, of the hero, the sign, expectation and enchantment. When Messi leaves, something of this contradiction suddenly becomes visible. Other prodigies have already emerged, but perhaps, at the very moment when one of its last great representatives leaves the stage, we discover just how much we continue to need transcendence. The modern world has therefore probably not abolished enchantment. It has merely displaced it. For ninety minutes at a time, this man called Lionel Messi, who embodied it on football pitches, now leaves after having accomplished everything. And even more.
Analyze

Have We Become Stupider?

Or Are We Experiencing a Transformation in the Structure of Knowledge?
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By Mona Fayad - Published Sep 5, 2026 - 20:01
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The question “Has the world become stupider?” frequently returns in contemporary debates about digital media, search engines, and social networks. On the surface, it seems simple. Yet behind it lies a deeper issue concerning the very nature of knowledge: how it is produced, how it is transmitted, and how it is consumed. Perhaps “Have we become stupider?” is not the most accurate question. A better one might be: Is knowledge still being transmitted in a way that allows it to be understood and made productive? Do most readers still go back to the original texts? Or do they turn instead to summaries and to what is said about those texts through material circulating among readers? One key to understanding this phenomenon lies in the work of British psychologist Frederic Bartlett, who conducted a series of experiments in the 1930s on what he called “serial reproduction.” In these experiments, one person would be asked to hear a story and then retell it to someone else, who would in turn retell it to a third person, and so on. The results were striking: with each new transmission, the story was not conveyed as it had originally been told, but was reformulated. Some details were omitted, others were exaggerated, and still others were replaced by elements that better suited the recipient’s background, experience, and culture. By the time the chain had passed through enough people, the original story had become something entirely different. This simple model reveals a fundamental truth: memory is not a neutral container, but a mechanism of reconstruction. When knowledge passes through multiple intermediaries, it is not “preserved” but “reproduced.” Here we begin to see the resemblance to our contemporary world, and with it the fear that we may be becoming stupider. In the age of digital media, knowledge no longer travels through oral transmission, but through chains of mediation: an article is summarized, then quoted, then reposted as a short post, before being further reduced to a sentence or a headline. In this context, we might borrow a metaphor that appeared in a journalistic text: a library whose books are gradually replaced by summaries, then by summaries of summaries, until the reader is left facing layer upon layer of reduction. We might call this the “raccoon chain”: the raccoon does not read the original, but rummages through what remains of it. It is worth clarifying that the choice of the “raccoon” is not arbitrary. The metaphor symbolically condenses a cognitive condition that is becoming increasingly entrenched. This animal, which lives on the fringes of cities and rummages through garbage bins, does not produce its own food but feeds on the leftovers of what others have produced. Despite its practical intelligence and its ability to pry things apart, pick through them, and seize what is useful, it does not understand what lies before it. It treats things simply as material available for immediate use. This is what knowledge begins to look like in an age of serial reduction: texts are shortened, then shortened again, until all that remains are scraps of meaning, rearranged and circulated without any genuine connection to their source. At that point, we have not merely moved away from the original. We have entered a new phase in the production of information or knowledge, in which the cognitive actor is no longer a reader or a thinker, but a collector of fragments of meaning who redistributes them in forms designed for rapid consumption. “Raccoon culture,” then, is not merely a description of superficiality. It is an accurate description of the degradation of the knowledge chain itself: from creation to summary, from understanding to formal processing, from ideas to something resembling only their faded trace. Yet this phenomenon cannot be understood apart from the technological structure that governs it. Here Marshall McLuhan becomes relevant, with his famous formulation: “The medium is the message.” The problem lies not only in content, but also in the form through which that content is transmitted. Contemporary digital media do not simply convey information. They reshape it according to the logic of speed, condensation, and fragmentation. Long texts become unsuitable for consumption, while an idea becomes acceptable only if it can be compressed into a few shareable lines. This transformation produces a striking paradox: we live in a time when access to knowledge is no longer difficult. It is excessively easy. And with that excessive ease comes what might be called a “cognitive illusion”: reading a brief passage or a quick summary can be enough to make a person feel that they have grasped an idea. Yet this feeling of possession is not necessarily accompanied by deep understanding, or by the ability to reconstruct or critique that knowledge. This is where we encounter what might be called the “semi-educated”: people who possess the signs of knowledge but not its structure, its vocabulary but not its internal logic. The problem becomes even more complex when viewed through the lens of attention. Instead of remaining in a state of sustained concentration, as in traditional reading or prolonged reflection, the mind now exists under continuous informational bombardment: notifications, clips, headlines, and successive waves of content. This does not merely fragment attention. It reshapes it according to a logic of constant jumping between short units of meaning, rather than the gradual and cumulative construction of an idea. I am reminded here of a joke that we used to tell and that was widely circulated during the days of popular demonstrations. It vividly illustrates the process of reduction and reshaping of content. After the occupation of Palestine, many popular demonstrations took to the streets chanting, “Down with the Balfour Declaration!” The joke was that by the end of the demonstration, the slogan had become, in Arabic, “Let one fall from above,” a completely different phrase that retained something of the original slogan’s rhythm and sound. This image may help bring us closer to what happens in everyday language when knowledge is transformed into short messages that are collectively repeated. A demonstration begins with a precise political slogan. Through repetition, collective immersion, and sonic rhythm, it gradually turns into a completely different formula. The new version may preserve the rhythm and emotional charge of the original, while losing its meaning and original significance. What remains is no longer the meaning, but the emotional energy of the phrase. Here, in another form, we encounter what Bartlett observed: what matters is not merely what was said, but how it was retold and how it was reinterpreted within a changing social context. If we bring these strands together, we might say that what we are experiencing today is not so much a “collapse of intelligence” as a transformation in the conditions under which intelligence operates. The human mind has not changed radically, but the environment in which it functions has changed profoundly: from an environment that allowed slow accumulation to one that imposes the rapid and fragmented reproduction of knowledge. This transformation creates a permanent tension between two kinds of thinking: reflective thought, which requires time, and rapid thought, which demands an immediate response. Seen in this light, the question “Have we become stupider?” is partly misleading. It may be more accurate to say that we are increasingly exposed to conditions that make deep thinking less stable, or less possible, and knowledge more vulnerable to fragmentation and recycling. As for stupidity, if the term can be used, it may not be a quality of the mind at all, but rather a side effect and a characteristic of the cultural structure that has emerged. It is a technology that reshapes our relationship with the world. Thus, rather than seeing this as a decline in human capacities, we might understand it as a transformation in the “knowledge environment”: an environment in which it has become easy to know something, but harder to truly understand it in depth.
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I swear to be faithful to the homeland, to the army and to the flag...

In recent days, seeing the army withdraw from certain southern villages like Rmeich, Ain Ebel, Debel, or Qlayaa stirs something inside that is hard to name. It's not just sadness. It's older than that, deeper, as if this retreat confirms an intuition we've long suppressed: that of a country slowly slipping out of itself. In cafes, in the messages we send each other in the evening, we feel that something has cracked. But emotion, however accurate it may be, is not enough to understand what is happening. And as long as we remain immersed in it, we see nothing. An army is not meant to commit suicide. It is meant to last long enough to still be useful when it truly matters. Sending men without cover against an overwhelming power is not courage. It is ordering their death while calling it bravery. Because one thing must be understood. There are those who can hold out until the end, until the last man, because they do not respond to the same logic. Their orders come from elsewhere, from a foreign capital that counts losses without ever watching villages burn. For them, the dead are useful. Lebanese territory is merely a maneuvering ground. What comes after the war is not their concern. But a national army does not have the right to reason like them. If it destroys itself in a battle it cannot win, it's not a lost battle; it's the country itself that perishes with it. And afterwards, there is no one left to hold anything. So yes, it retreats. It's hard to watch. But this retreat is not a flight; it's a calculation, the only one that allows it to stand firm tomorrow. George Washington abandoned New York in 1776, and the Loyalists mocked him for months. The Russians left Moscow to Napoleon in 1812. The British evacuated in haste from Dunkirk in 1940. They were all called cowards. They all won. This is no coincidence. A captain is not measured by the waves he faces. Nor is he measured by the violence of the storm. He is measured by the number of men he brings back alive. A captain who sinks with his crew because he refused to change course is not a hero. He is a wrecker. A father does not take up his rifle to die at his doorstep. He gets his family out through the back, he retreats, he flees even if he is called a coward, because his duty is not to die standing: it is to ensure his loved ones live. Today, the army is both this captain and this father. It does not retreat out of weakness. It retreats because it has millions of children to bring back. We must also say what we prefer not to say. Lebanon will not win a war against Israel. This is not a judgment; it's a fact. But an army does not exist merely to win wars. It exists so that after the war, there is still something left to govern, someone to prevent everyone from settling their scores alone in the street. Without an army, there is no state. And a country without a state means civil war knocking at the door again. Those who want it to stay at all costs are not asking for courage. They are asking for blood. They demand that it hold encircled positions, without secure supply lines, without troop rotation, without air superiority, without sufficient ammunition or continuous logistical support. They are asking a unit to operate in a chain-of-command breakdown, cut off from its rear, exposed, frozen, turned into a target. This is not a defensive posture. It is a condemnation to attrition, until collapse. And when there is no army left, they will understand too late that they have destroyed the only thing protecting them. And then there's this soldier. Twenty years old, maybe less. He didn't choose the uniform to leave; he chose it to stay, specifically, to hold a place, to watch over houses at night, to learn the faces of a village that wasn't his own. That morning, he received the order to pack up. He put away his belongings silently, got into the truck, and didn't look back. Not because it cost him nothing. But because he knew that if he looked, he wouldn't leave. In the truck, his hands trembled. Not from fear. From the weight of what he was leaving behind. This country still stands because of people like him. Lebanon has survived things that would have killed any other country. It survived because men like this soldier continued to wake up in the morning, put on their uniform, and hold their post without knowing if anyone, anywhere, even knew they existed. An officer once took this oath: "I swear by Almighty God to be faithful to the homeland, the army, and the flag." As long as he upholds these words, Lebanon does not fall. It bleeds, it retreats, it is exhausted, but it does not fall. Retreat, yes. Betray this oath, never.

Gulf Countries, Take Example from Youssef Rajji!

Our decaying Republic has regained its luster. It only took one of our ministers to show firmness and 'dismiss', in accordance with established rules, the accredited representative of Iran. And it was all the more to Youssef Rajji's credit that he managed to weather the storm sparked by his impertinence. However, it should not be believed that this diplomatic show of force would go so far as to restore the credibility of this government or administration. It would take a hell of a lot more; and purges of Stalinist scale would barely be enough! The Khalij in fire and blood But let's go to the Persian Gulf, since that's what it should be called. Cornered in its last strongholds, Tehran has decided to set the said Khalij ablaze! This is certainly the mollahs' trump card and probably their last. A simple comparison after a month of military operations: for 4391 Iranian attacks against Arab countries (Saudi Arabia, UAE, Qatar, Kuwait, Bahrain, Oman and Abu Dhabi), there were only 930 against Israel. In global proportion, if 17% of the strikes targeted the Hebrew State, 83% were directed at Arab countries, all nations combined! How to react to these blatant aggressions? The Sultanate of Oman, which on March 29 formally condemned the 'treacherous and cowardly' aggression it was subject to, refrains from naming the perpetrator and calls for recourse to diplomatic customs. In the same vein, the State of Qatar condemned the attack targeting Kuwait's power and desalination plants. Nothing more! These countries are not the only ones to show restraint and extreme caution. So far, no Iranian ambassador in the member countries of the Arab League has been declared persona non grata. And if some members of the Gulf Cooperation Council have 'thanked' Iranian military attachés or subordinate and assistant employees, they have never attacked the chief legate of the Republic of the Ayatollahs. Which would have been of a completely different caliber and would have had a different resonance! American cyclothymia Certainly, the aggressed capitals have sought to strengthen their security coordination in the face of what they perceive as a growing Iranian threat; however, they still hesitate to take the path of escalation and military retaliation that would be legitimate. Except perhaps Riyadh, which is sharpening its weapons... and adopting a threatening tone. These capitals actually apprehend the reactivation on their own territory of dormant cells as well as massive strikes targeting their oil infrastructure and other desalination plants. But what they fear most of all is Donald Trump's unpredictability. An unpredictability that Emmanuel Macron was the first to emphasize on April 1 in Tokyo, and that the televised address, held shortly after, by the occupant of the White House*, did not dissipate. One does not build strong alliances when one does not know how to dance with one's partner. The American President can summon three aircraft carriers, B52s, stealth planes, and airborne troops to the theater of operations, but he can just as easily slip away unnoticed, without asking for anything more. And, if he has sometimes surprised allies and adversaries with lightning operations, how many times has he not kept promises and commitments? His tactical unpredictability (or perhaps his bluff) is not likely to reassure his Arab allies! So, they adopt an impassive neutrality at the time of the 'historic opportunity' to remake the Middle East! *If Donald Trump thanked the Gulf countries in his address on Wednesday, April 1, he, however, showed no interest in the freedom of navigation in the Strait of Hormuz. Moreover, who can believe that relentlessly bombing Iran for 2 to 3 weeks, as he promised, would be able to avert the threat weighing on the riparian Arab countries!

Lebanon: What About the Post-War Period?
By
Rami Rayess
Published

What will the situation of Lebanon and the region look like in the aftermath of the American-Israeli war against Iran? And what will become of the Lebanese-Lebanese rift, which has deepened to unprecedented levels under the combined weight of this conflict, of Hezbollah's engagement in it, and of the Israeli aggressions that continue to spread across Lebanese territory, as the death toll surpasses a thousand and climbs further with each passing hour? On the Iranian side, the regime's survival roughly a month after hostilities broke out constitutes an achievement in itself, and it is precisely what the partisans of what once styled itself the "axis of resistance" would readily describe as a "victory." The term, of course, remains relative, since what counts as a victory by the standards of that axis amounts to a resounding failure when measured against the actual course of the war. A regime that clings to power over ruins cannot genuinely lay claim to victory, and Iran will need many decades to recover from the collapse into which this devastating conflict has plunged it. Yet by the calculations of a theocratic and dogmatic regime deeply entrenched in its ideological certainties, the fact of having withstood the greatest power in the world, which boasts of its military might, as well as its regional ally that managed in a matter of months to overturn the balance of forces across the region, represents an undeniable feat. Beyond that, in the Iranian reckoning, Tehran succeeded in challenging the Iron Dome system, penetrating Israel's security shield and raining hundreds of missiles down on Israeli cities and towns, in coordination with Hezbollah, which itself fired hundreds of rockets at northern Occupied Palestine while simultaneously resisting the columns of the Israeli army that pressed relentlessly into southern Lebanon and advanced in the occupation of its villages, as a prelude to establishing a new fait accompli that would translate into an unprecedented ceasefire agreement. For the 2024 agreement appears to have been rendered void, having never been honoured by Israel since the moment of its signing, throughout more than fifteen months during which Lebanese sovereignty was violated hundreds of times without the "mechanism" committee ever managing to compel Israel to implement any of its provisions. On the domestic Lebanese front, those who had wagered on "the end" of Hezbollah can no longer afford to look indefinitely away from what is unfolding in Iran, nor can they deny that this "Iranian resilience," however costly, will sooner or later provide Hezbollah with some measure of breathing room. More fundamentally still, they cannot ignore the Israeli aggressions that strike innocent civilians, paramedics, doctors and journalists, while targeting civil infrastructure such as bridges and public installations in order to sever the region south of the Litani River from the rest of Lebanese territory, not to mention the wholesale razing of front-line villages with the aim of permanently displacing their inhabitants and preparing for a long-term occupation, one of a radically different nature from what occurred during the occupation of the South beginning in 1978, then during the great invasion of 1982 that reached Beirut, until the complete liberation of the territory in 2000. If this new reality compels those Lebanese who justifiably opposed Hezbollah's engagement in this war on behalf of all and without prior consultation to reconsider their certainties and their bets on the Party's elimination, it simultaneously demands that Hezbollah itself immediately renounce its language of threats, intimidation, accusations of betrayal and charges of "Zionization" levelled at one official or another. One cannot accept that this armed party, which has dragged Lebanon into a war from which the country gains nothing, should turn against the rest of the Lebanese people once the fighting subsides, as several of its leaders and certain media figures moving within its orbit have suggested, in a brazen challenge to the feelings of broad segments of society and to the very idea of the State, which is supposed to be the common ground shared by all components of the nation. What Israel perhaps derives the greatest benefit from is the stoking of discord and resentment among the Lebanese, the pitting of communities against one another, since this spares it considerable effort by keeping the Lebanese consumed with internal strife and turned away from confronting its expansionist project, which is now taking on alarming dimensions as voices rise from within Israel itself calling for a "Greater Israel" and the necessity of expanding northward into southern Lebanon in order to protect villages and settlements condemned to chronic instability. The Lebanese have already lived through the painful experience of 7 May 2008, which amounted to nothing less than an armed coup carried out against the idea of the living-together among the various components of Lebanese society, at the height of Hezbollah’s power and armed hegemony over the country's national, constitutional and political life. Such an experience remains unacceptable in any form whatsoever, for it would be a ready-made recipe for civil war and the repudiation of all the achievements of civil peace, reconstruction and stability, however fragile, made possible by the Taëf Agreement of 1989. What the Lebanese must cultivate in this historic moment is humility and a return to fundamental positions, so as to work toward ending the war and the aggressions, rebuilding the national climate conducive to consolidating stability and internal peace, and thereby defeating every project that seeks to fuel divisions through violence, the very violence that the country endured throughout fifteen years of devastating civil war.

Washington-Tehran: Mediation at a Dead End
By
LevantTime .
Published

All attention remains focused on this new phase towards which the region seems resolutely to be heading, given Tehran's clear refusal to initiate a dialogue with Washington, based solely on the conditions set by the Trump administration for a halt to the military offensive launched on February 28. It must be said that nothing official has been announced on this subject so far by the Islamic Republic, whose leaders have already indicated that Washington's 15-point proposal is unworkable and excessive, and that they themselves have conditions for a dialogue. Among these conditions are, notably, an end to targeted attacks and assassinations in Iran, as well as solemn guarantees that the offensive will not resume. Tehran would also demand respect for “Iranian sovereignty” over the Strait of Hormuz, which it presents as a “right”. Barring a last-minute turnaround by Sunday, the deadline set by President Donald Trump for Tehran to respond to his proposal - before American and Israeli air forces begin targeting Iranian infrastructure, particularly energy-related - the situation appears to be a total stalemate, leaving the field open to all speculation about the course of events. This stalemate is again reinforced by the words of the American president who, on his social network, Truth Social, on Friday, downplayed the importance of Tehran's closure of the Strait of Hormuz, while implying that a reopening by force remains possible. “With a little more time, we can easily open the Strait of Hormuz, take the oil, and make a fortune. It would be a real ‘manna‘ for the world”, he wrote. Facing Iran's refusal to back down, the Gulf countries had seized the United Nations Security Council, calling on it to give its green light to the reopening of the Strait. This body was supposed to meet on Friday to work on the request of the Gulf monarchies and, to that end, vote on a Bahraini draft resolution authorizing the use of force, but under certain conditions. However, the meeting was postponed due to the absence of a consensus on the matter. Tehran had warned against this vote, cautioning that it would only complicate an already very complicated situation. The Islamic Republic thus remains totally indifferent to the threats hanging over it. Israeli Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu announced on Friday that “Tel Aviv will continue its attacks against the Iranian regime, in coordination with Washington”, specifying that his army had destroyed “70% of Iran's steel production capacity,” with its two largest steel mills halted. “This is a considerable achievement that deprives the Revolutionary Guards of both financial resources and the ability to produce many weapons”, he declared. On this day, April 3, the exchange of threats via media sources intensified, while the field remains marked by violent Israeli-American strikes on various targets particularly related to the development of Tehran's ballistic and nuclear arsenal, as well as by the continued Iranian firing against Israel and the Gulf countries. The Islamic Republic continues to target civilian infrastructure there. A power plant and a water desalination plant in Kuwait thus suffered significant damage after being directly hit by Iranian missiles, while in Abu Dhabi, missile debris that was intercepted temporarily put out of service the Habshan gas facilities, particularly due to a fire they caused. A F-15 Shot Down in Iran A significant event of the day, on the ground, remains the crash of an American F-15 fighter jet, shot down by the air defense system. This is the first time since the beginning of the war that Tehran has managed to shoot down an American warplane. According to the Iranian news agency Fars, quoted by AFP, the Iranian army has launched searches to find the pilot who reportedly managed to eject from the aircraft. Iranian television, for its part, announced a reward for whoever finds him alive, while according to the al-Hadath media, the American air force was conducting a sustained sweeping and search operation. Meanwhile, Israel also continues to blow hot and cold regarding Lebanon. According to the Jerusalem Post, citing an Israeli military source, the Tel Aviv army reportedly recognized that its goal of disarming Hezbollah is unrealistic, “as it would require launching a full-scale invasion of the country, which it will not do”. According to this media, the main challenge to disarming Hezbollah lies “in the stocks of self-propelled rockets scattered north of the Litani River”. “Israeli divisions deployed in Lebanon are expected to complete the takeover of territories located eight to ten kilometers from the border with Israel during the next week. This advance aims to reduce Hezbollah's ability to fire anti-tank missiles into Israel and to increase the warning time for missile launches from Lebanon”, the Israeli newspaper states, adding that the Israeli war cabinet is expected to decide next week on the continuation of its operation in Lebanon, with the disarmament of Hezbollah being “a major military priority”, Israeli Defense Minister Israel Katz reaffirmed on Friday, at a time when Benjamin Netanyahu emphasized that he plans “to further extend the security zone in southern Lebanon”. Israel Katz again recalled that his country dissociates the Lebanese and Iranian issues and that for now the important thing is to ensure the security of northern Israel. In this perspective, the Israeli army continued to establish a buffer zone by blowing up homes in border villages. Yesterday, it blew up several dwellings in Aïta el-Chaab. The explosions were heard as far as Tyre. It also blew up two bridges between Sohmor and Machghara, in the Beqaa, as part of its strategy to disrupt the transfer of weapons and ammunition to the south of the Litani, whose residents were again ordered on Friday to move north. The same evacuation warning was addressed by the Israeli army to residents of the southern suburbs of Beirut. Also on Friday, the Israeli army announced it had struck more than 3,500 targets across Lebanon and “eliminated” approximately 1,000 Hezbollah fighters in one month, alongside its ground offensive in the south of the country.

Toward a Sunni NATO?
By
Lebanese Centre for Research and Studies
Published

It all goes back to 1998 — May 30 to be precise, the date on which Pakistan conducted its last nuclear test in the sands of Kharan, in Balochistan. The program, from the bomb to its entire development chain, had been financed by Saudi Arabia, with American and Israeli approval. Both capitals had consented to Islamabad joining the nuclear club in order to establish a strategic counterweight in the India-China-Pakistan triangle, at a time when Beijing and New Delhi had already crossed the threshold of nuclear armament. It was then that speculation multiplied around Iran's intention to develop a military nuclear program under civilian cover — a prospect that Tel Aviv and Washington deemed unacceptable. The Pakistani bomb, Sunni, was meant to impose a balance in the Far East; an Iranian bomb, Shia, would create an unprecedented balance of power in the Middle East, a region where Israel considers itself the foremost strategic actor. The directive imposed itself: Iran could not be allowed to acquire nuclear weapons. Tehran, for its part, never ceased to reaffirm the peaceful nature of its ambitions, with no military objectives in this domain. The question of a "Sunni NATO" resurfaces today with renewed insistence, in the wake of the Sharm el-Sheikh Peace Summit, where some one billion three hundred million Muslims gathered to proclaim the end of armed conflict with Israel, in exchange for the creation of a Palestinian state. This dynamic was part of the initiative launched by Donald Trump in the aftermath of the Gaza war — an initiative conceived in several phases, the first of which was to be the cessation of hostilities, before a civilian government could be established in Gaza. The process stalled there, unable to move beyond this first stage. A conviction then took hold, within the Saudi Kingdom in particular and the Sunni world in general: that Trump and the Israeli right do not genuinely desire the emergence of a Palestinian state, that the latter had convinced the American president not to go too far in his concessions to the Islamic states of the region, for fear that they would impose their conditions in the future — and that striking Iran remains the real priority. Internal tensions within the Republican administration are also visible on the question of the role the Gulf states might be entitled to play in the region. Trump and part of his inner circle were unsettled by the agreement Mohammed bin Salman reached with the Houthis in Yanbu without informing Washington; and then by his trip to Beijing, under the Biden presidency, which had resulted in an Iranian-Saudi rapprochement under Chinese auspices. Today, the crown prince and the Sunni actors of the region — joined by Egypt and Turkey — seek an end to the fighting and find in J. D. Vance, and in the Republicans who support him, allies committed to this cause. The idea of a Sunni NATO is therefore not without substance: it could pave the way for a degree of regional balance once the war is extinguished. If the Sunnis fare well in the region, the region as a whole will fare well. In the period preceding the Assad family, the Syrian Sunni bourgeoisie had brought Fares al-Khoury, a Lebanese from Kafr, to the presidency of the Damascus government; and Chawkat Choucair, father of Ayman Choucair, the Druze from Arsoun in Mount Lebanon, had been appointed chief of staff of the Syrian army. And of course, if the Christians — and with them the Shia of Mohammad Hussein Shamseddine's movement — fare well too, it is the entire region, and Lebanon with it, that will fare well also.

War in Iran: three decisive days before the end of the US ultimatum

The ten-day deadline Washington had given Tehran to respond to the fifteen conditions for a cessation of hostilities expires on Sunday, with no concrete sign of a possible de-escalation on the horizon. Positions, on the contrary, seem to be hardening, as the United States and Iran sharpen their weapons in anticipation of a possible new phase of the military conflict and confusion still reigns regarding possible talks between the two states. The violent reaction of the Islamic Republic to President Donald Trump's eagerly awaited speech to Americans on Wednesday evening, coupled with counter-threats, reveals the difficulty of the mission undertaken by mediators to push the two main belligerents to initiate a dialogue. At the heart of the standoff remains this constant in the form of a question: what should be established first, dialogue or a ceasefire? Iran, which is not hostile to the principle of dialogue, but which rejected Washington's 15 conditions, deeming them excessive and unachievable, continues to demand that the United States end its offensive, which President Trump again rejected on Wednesday. The tone has thus risen again between the two. In Washington, where preparations are being made strenuously for a ground offensive that could be the grand finale articulated around the control of strategic Iranian sites, there is a promise to "bring Iran back to the Stone Age," in the absence of an agreement, while Tehran brandishes the threat of "devastating" attacks against the United States and Israel. Donald Trump thus announced to Americans in his speech, on Wednesday night, that the strikes, which he deemed necessary to prevent Iran from acquiring nuclear weapons, would not cease anytime soon. He recalled in this regard the "decisive" victories recorded, emphasizing that he is "close to achieving" his objectives in Iran, "We are going to hit them extremely hard over the next two to three weeks. We are going to take them back to the Stone Age where they belong," he launched. He again threatened to attack Iranian energy infrastructure, stating that in the absence of an agreement, the United States would "hit each of their power plants very hard and probably simultaneously." Washington had decided to postpone these attacks pending Tehran's response to its 15 conditions. Enriched uranium The American president did not elaborate on possible talks, reaffirming what he repeatedly states on the subject, namely that it is the Iranians who wish to engage in dialogue and that they themselves have called for a ceasefire, which the Iranian Ministry of Foreign Affairs was quick to deny. He also refrained from mentioning a possible deployment of ground troops, a very unpopular prospect in the United States. Donald Trump briefly mentioned the issue of Iran's enriched uranium reserves, assuring that they were very deeply buried, implying that satellite surveillance would suffice for the time being. He also quickly touched on the subject that worries Americans and has caused him to slump in polls for a month: the surge in gasoline prices. This is, according to him, a "short-term" phenomenon. The American economy has "never been stronger," he reassured. Donald Trump also recalled that the United States, an oil exporter, did not depend on supplies transiting through the Strait of Hormuz, blocked by Iran. Meeting around Hormuz The countries suffering from the blocking of this strategic maritime route must "deal with it," he declared, while promising not to "abandon" his Gulf allies. He did not reiterate his virulent attacks against NATO, particularly European countries, which, however, risk being forced to intervene to restore freedom of navigation in the Strait of Hormuz, Iran's main lever in its standoff with the United States. In this context, it should be noted that the foreign ministers of some forty countries, including Japan, held a virtual meeting on Thursday to discuss the closure of this essential artery for international trade, over which Tehran threatens to exercise total control by imposing transit fees. During these exchanges, the head of British diplomacy, Yvette Cooper, announced another meeting, to be held at the military level to discuss joint action aimed at ensuring a lasting reopening of the strait and the security of oil tankers and cargo ships, once the war is over, without specifying which countries would be represented. France, for example, remains firmly opposed to a military operation for this purpose. Its president, Emmanuel Macron, on a state visit to Seoul, thus described any military operation to unblock the Hormuz passage as "unrealistic." "It is never the option we have chosen," he commented, believing that it risks "taking an infinite amount of time" and would involve "numerous risks." Except that, while waiting for a hypothetical unblocking, fuel prices continue to soar, affecting the entire international economy. Intensification of strikes Another lever of pressure for Iran is the attacks against Gulf countries, which intensified after Donald Trump's speech, simultaneously with coordinated missile strikes against Israel. This intensification of strikes, which continued throughout Thursday, followed Iranian threats of "devastating" attacks against the United States and Israel, subsequent to the American president's address. The operational commander of the Iranian army assured, in a statement broadcast by state television, that this war would continue until the "humiliation" of Iran's enemies. Its proxies remain fully engaged in this same strategy, totally indifferent to its consequences for the countries from which they originate. This is notably the case of Hezbollah which, like Iran, simultaneously intensified its strikes against northern Israel on Wednesday night into Thursday and throughout Thursday. This increase in cross-border violence in the south prompted Israeli Defense Minister Yisrael Katz to address his threats directly to Hezbollah leader Naïm Qassem, "and his colleagues who will pay the price for launching rockets into Israel during the Jewish Passover." "We will purify southern Lebanon of Hezbollah and its supporters and pluck the fangs of this snake throughout Lebanon," he further threatened while his army proceeded to destroy homes in the border area. Salam's declaration On the Lebanese political front, at the end of the Council of Ministers which he chaired in the morning, the head of the Lebanese government, Nawaf Salam, denounced the scorched-earth policy applied by Israel in southern Lebanon to establish a buffer zone, but he simultaneously criticized the adventure into which the pro-Iranian faction had dragged the country, "which has become the theater of other people's wars," with an excessively high human, social, material, and economic cost. "Nothing should consecrate a link between the conflict on our territory and the wars of others, in which we have no interest, including military operations announced as joint and coordinated with the Iranian Revolutionary Guard," he stigmatized, emphasizing that his government is striving to extricate the country from this war by political and diplomatic means.