Articles

Major economic crises almost never happen without warning. Long before markets collapse or economies contract, warning signs discreetly accumulate beneath the surface: financial excesses grow, geopolitical tensions escalate, technological disruptions accelerate, and the architecture of the global economy becomes increasingly fragile. For several years, many of these signs have been visible worldwide. Stock markets have reached historically high valuation levels. Public debt has reached unprecedented levels. Artificial intelligence is transforming industries at dizzying speed. And geopolitical tensions are beginning to disrupt some of the most vital arteries of global trade and energy.

The death of the strongman of the Iranian regime, Ali Larijani, on Tuesday, March 17, and that of several other high-ranking officials and senior executives of the Revolutionary Guards and the Basij, has not reduced the regime's involvement in the conflict, as it has just launched ballistic missiles for the first time outside the Middle East, towards Diego Garcia, 4000 kilometers away, and targeted Dimona, in southern Israel on Saturday evening. In Lebanon, it is on the Southern front that fighting is raging. The third week of the confrontation between the powerful American and Israeli armies on one side, and the Iranian regime on the other, was as full of twists and turns as the previous ones, and the state in which the Iranian regime now finds itself is more precarious than ever, even if its strike force remains not insignificant.

From the moment French troops departed Syria in April 1946, the young republic became arguably the most coup-prone country in the Arab world for nearly a quarter century. By 1970, Syria had lived through ten successful coups. On 13 November 1970, Hafez al-Assad carried out a palace coup and installed himself as strongman. For Assad, Lebanon was not simply a neighbor; it is Syria’s backyard and a tool for a stronger regional posture. After the civil war erupted in Beirut, Syria intervened militarily in 1976 — initially against the Palestine Liberation Organization and Lebanese leftist groups, and later in support of these same pro-Palestinian forces against the self-organized Christian groups rallied to defend themselves. From that intervention onward, Syrian intelligence and military apparatuses integrated themselves into the Lebanese political fabric, brokering power by alternately backing, betraying, or preying on local groups.

Three major developments, undeniably strategic in dimension, have marked the last twenty-four hours of the war between the American-Israeli alliance and the Republic of the Mullahs in Tehran. Iran thus launched for the first time two intermediate-range ballistic missiles towards the American-British base of Diego Garcia, located in the Indian Ocean, some 4000 kilometers from Iran. The two missiles did not reach their target, but the importance of this launch lies in its geopolitical significance. The range of Iranian missiles was generally estimated at 2000 kilometers. The fact that these two ballistic devices had a range of nearly 4000 kilometers constitutes tangible proof that the Islamic Republic was genuinely working to acquire a missile arsenal potentially capable of reaching European capitals, including Paris and London, located respectively 4200 and 4400 kilometers from Tehran.

It is up to the Lebanese Shiites alone to disavow Hezbollah, to put an end to its hegemony and, consequently, to the Pasdaran's grip on our country *! The same scenario applies in Iran: no matter how much combined Israeli-American strikes pulverize Ali Larijani, his close guard and his repressive forces, only a citizen uprising can overthrow the tyranny of wilayat al-faqih . Astute observers will eventually admit it: there will be no resolution to the Persian tragedy, no solution to the Iranian crisis without a confrontation between compatriots, that is to say, without civil conflict. So it is up to the peoples to assert their right to life!

Everyone has someone in the family who left to study abroad. A son, a daughter, a nephew, a niece. Tuition fees were paid, teeth were gritted, pride was felt. Degrees were earned. They went to work in the Gulf. We called it success. Today, that story is drawing to a close. Gulf countries have decided to prioritize employment for their own citizens. It is their right, and it is a deep-rooted trend, not a temporary measure. The major economic vision programs — Saudi Arabia's Vision 2030 among them — are designed precisely to reduce dependence on foreign labor. Lebanese workers there have begun receiving termination letters, and many of those still in post find their contracts quietly unrenewed.