


The current position of the Lebanese Executive is certainly not enviable. From the President of the Republic and his inauguration speech, to the Prime Minister and his government project. Beautiful speeches, beautiful promises, a certain will to realize them, good faith (at least for the latter), but the obstacle of reality, of the field, of dissensions, of nostalgia, of a dream, of a utopia.
Some reproach the Executive for its inertia, its inability to face events, and remind it of Winston Churchill's position facing Chamberlain, the choice between dishonor and war. It is easy to criticize and transpose situations. Except that the policy of the Land of the Cedars is not that of a single man like Great Britain, but that of a consensus, and a confessional one at that.
« There cannot be two captains on the same ship » according to the famous proverb. What to say when there are three, and it is necessary to take into consideration the opinion of the lieutenants, the lookout, and the cabin boys before undertaking any action?
The Executive, through Joseph Aoun and Nawaf Salam, has clearly announced its position regarding the country's sovereignty. The impasse lies with the third captain, and also with the first who favors the role of an acrobat, one hammer blow on the nail and the other next to it, to quote the Lebanese proverb, so as not to offend anyone.
But pleasing everyone is pleasing no one, as Guitry said. Against all expectations, it is the second captain who stands firm. Nawaf Salam is the one who has shown himself to be up to what he claims and what he thinks. It still needs to be undertaken.
To undertake, he needs the approval of the entire crew. This is the misfortune of this utopia called Lebanon, this famous slogan of 10,452 km², launched by a man who at the time had full powers, but who wanted to share them so that the entire political world would feel like partners in the country's recovery… Probably the last head of state worthy of this title.
Nawaf Salam could apply his policy, which will necessarily clash with constitutional considerations, this famous charter that is constantly violated by all political factions according to their will.
Indeed, logic would dictate that the two ministers affiliated with Hezbollah be dismissed from their positions, due to the militia's reaction and its thinly veiled threats towards government institutions. Except that, that famous adverb « except », any dismissal of a minister requires, according to Article 69-2 of the Constitution, the approval of two-thirds of the council of ministers, a quorum that in the current state is impossible to achieve, due to political and/or confessional considerations.
Nawaf Salam, in his Eid speech, however, extended an olive branch: he asked for help from the United States to resolve the current conflict. This conflict, which has lasted for years, is flaring up again. Israel refuses any negotiation as long as Hezbollah is not disarmed. The cynicism lies in the fact that the Hebrew state is best placed not only to know but also to understand that it is impossible for Lebanon to disarm this militia that has been festering it for several decades, despite the hecatomb it suffered in 2024.
However, there is a solution for the definitive resolution of this problem, which is not only local but regional. It is a number, seven, and more precisely Chapter VII of the United Nations Charter. It must be recognized: the Lebanese state is incapable, for valid or invalid reasons, of dismantling Hezbollah, whose military and security branches are now considered illegal. Now that this point has been (finally) admitted and endorsed by the Council of Ministers on March 2, 2026, recourse to Chapter VII remains the only valid option. This recourse certainly harms the country's sovereignty; it remains to be seen if a country will even remain after this war.
The silence of public authorities and the lack of execution of decisions have given a de facto carte blanche to Israel to resolve the problem in its own way: destruction, death, and chaos. If there is one decision that the President of the Republic should really consider, in concert with the Prime Minister, it is indeed the request for Chapter VII.
The observation is very bitter: our state is a failed state, even if the good intentions and/or goodwill of some of its leaders are real. Hezbollah has officially pledged allegiance to the new Supreme Leader, increased its missile launches after the March 2 decision, boasts about cyber-attacks against the websites of various ministries in the country that oppose it, openly threatens its detractors with physical liquidation, and the state lets it happen, for fear of igniting the powder keg, while the fire has already burned half of its edifice.
At this stage, refusing to act is not preserving sovereignty, but organizing its disappearance. There is no shame in declaring oneself incapable of executing a resolution. On the contrary, making a decision while knowing oneself unable to accomplish it constitutes proven cowardice, a hypocrisy that only leads the country to its ruin.
According to psychologist Brené Brown, true strength is daring to ask for help when needed. That is why the only viable solution is to request assistance, to invoke Chapter VII.
To demand a chapter to open a blank page of a new book before it is burned. Certainly, the Phoenix always rises from its ashes, provided they are not scattered…