


It is dishonorable to hand over a fugitive to his enemies! In our region, the “duty of asylum,” an unavoidable obligation, dates back to the pre-Islamic Jahiliyyah era. No “noble man” would surrender a person to those pursuing him, for the disgrace would stain his entire lineage. But what, then, should be said of judicial extradition in our contemporary world? Is it acceptable merely because international conventions have laid down its conditions and procedures?
Bashar al-Assad and his camarilla, whose members number in the dozens, found refuge as early as December 2024 in the Russian Federation, as well as in Iran, Iraq, and Lebanon. Is there any chance that all these people will one day stand trial, in Damascus or elsewhere?
Has Syria Requested Bashar’s Extradition from Russia?
This blunt question has repeatedly been put to Sergei Lavrov, Russia’s foreign minister, and, as a seasoned diplomat, he has always evaded it. Yet his evasive answers did not prevent Syria’s interim president, Ahmed al-Chareh, from asking Vladimir Putin during his visit to Moscow in October 2025 to hand over “all those who committed war crimes” during the last civil conflict, foremost among them, of course, the deposed head of state and his brother Maher.
Nothing came of it, and the Syrian authorities had to renew their request last May, formally asking Moscow for the extradition of the pursued criminals within the framework of the transitional justice proceedings launched in Damascus at the end of April. At least, that is what a judicial source claims.
Extradite or Prosecute
As a former head of state, a deposed president does not enjoy immunity from prosecution for war crimes or crimes against humanity. One need only recall the fate of Augusto Pinochet, who was arrested in London in October 1998. As for Slobodan Milošević, he was indicted in May 1999 and tried before the International Criminal Tribunal for the former Yugoslavia. Moreover, judicial proceedings have even been initiated by the International Criminal Court against two sitting leaders: Vladimir Putin in March 2023 and Benjamin Netanyahu in November 2024.
But what are international arrest warrants worth in certain specific contexts? Nothing more than pathetic gestures.
Thus, this is where the Syrian case stands: Moscow refuses to play the game of sound international justice. The Latin maxim “aut dedere aut judicare,” meaning either extradite or prosecute, does not appear to apply to today’s Russia. For the moment, neither Bashar nor Maher al-Assad risk being troubled. With Vladimir Putin at the helm, they will neither be handed over to the justice system of their country nor prosecuted where they are.
But let us instead imagine the case in which these two fugitives had found themselves in a European Union country. They would probably have appeared before a court in the host country or before a specially constituted tribunal. But they would never have been extradited. The reason is simple: neither Berlin, nor Rome, nor Paris, nor any other “civilized” capital would have extradited beneficiaries of the right of asylum to countries where they risked the death penalty. For it is understood that the gallows await, in Bilad al-Sham, those who took part in the massacres of the civil war.
Bashar in Moscow, enjoying early retirement
All things considered, Syria has the right to break with more than fifty years of impunity. On April 26, the “Damascus Trials” opened in the capital of the Umayyads, tasked with judging the horrors of the civil war. Yet the first hearing took place, inevitably, in the absence of Bashar and his brother, the principal actors in the tragedy.
The former Syrian president fled, abandoning his accomplices and henchmen to their fate: they will pay for him. Having escaped with the treasury like a common thief, he will spend peaceful days along the banks of the Moskva River. To the blood crimes of which he stands accused will now be added those of greed and cowardice.